(1 )"He came in with a slow and stately step; he spoke with a broken utterance, sometimes with a kind of disjointed sobs rather than words. He had a pile of tomes upon the table; and then, with a frown and a contraction of the nostrils, and his forehead wrinkled up, he snapped his fingers to call the attention of his audience. What he said had no depth in it; but he criticized others, and pointed out their defects, as though he would exclude them from the Senate of Christian teachers. He was rich, and entertained freely, and many flocked round him in his public appearances. He was as luxurious as Nero at home, as stern as Cato abroad; as full of contradictions as the Chimaera."
(42 )"In a diocese such as his, lying as it were in a corner of the world, not reached by the public posts, isolated by the great river to the east and the mountain chains to the west, peopled by half-leavened heathen, Christianity assumed manor strange forms, sometimes hardly recognisable caricatures of the truth." Canon Venables. Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 906.
(66 )"Theodoret's condemnation was the chief object aimed at in summoning" the Latrocinium. He was "the bugbear of the whole Eutychian party and consequently condemned in advance." Canon Venables, Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 913 and Martin Brigandage àEphèse p. 192.
(67 )See specially Gibbon Chap. xlvii. Milman Hist. Lat. Christ. Book II. Chap. iv. Stanley, Christian Institutions, Chap. xvi. 4 and Canon Bright Art. Dioscorus in Dict. Christ. Biog. General Councils, it may be remarked, have been depreciated and ridiculed by historians of two kinds; the anti-Christian, such as Gibbon, who have been glad of the opportunity of bringing discredit on the Church; and the Roman, such as Cardinal Newman, who are aware that the authority of Councils is not always reconcileable with the asserted authority of the Bishop of their favourite see. ("Even those councils which were oecumenical have nothing to boast of in regard to the Fathers, taken individually, which compose them. They appear as the antagonist host in a battle, not as the shepherds of their people." Hist. Sketches, p. 335.) And it must he conceded that do far as outward circumstances went the Latrocinium was as good a council as any other. As is pointed out by Dean Milman, "It is difficult to discover in what respect, either in the legality of its convocation or the number and dignity of the assembled prelates, consists its inferiority to more received and honoured councils. Two imperial commissioners attended to maintain order in the council and peace in the city Dioscorus the patriarch of Alexandria by the Imperial command assumed the presidency. The Bishops who formed the Synod of Constantinople were excluded as parties in the transaction, but Flavianus took his place with the Metropolitans of Antioch and Jerusalem and no less than three hundred and sixty bishops and ecclesiastics. Three ecclesiastics, Julian a bishop, Renatus a presbyter, and Hilarius a deacon were to represent the bishop of Rome. The Abbot Barsumas (this was an innovation) took his seat in the Council as a kind of representative of the monks." Milman, Lat. Christ. Book II. Chap. iv. The fact is that the great Councils of the Early Church are like the great men of the Early Church. Some have authority and some have not. But their authority does not depend upon formal circumstances or outward position. They have authority because the inspired common sense of the Church has seen and valued the truth and wisdom of their utterances. Athanasius, Arius, Cyril, and Nestorius, were all great churchmen. Athanasius and Cyril stand out against the background of centuries as champions of the faith. Arius and Nestorius are counted as heretics. Character does not outweigh doctrine. Nestorius is unsound in the faith though he was an amiable and virtuous man; Cyril is an authority of orthodoxy though his personal qualities were not saintly. Of all the councils that according to Ammianus Marcellinus hamstrung the postal resources of the Empire, take Nicaea, Tyre, and the two Ephesian councils of 431 and 449 Nicaea and the earlier Ephesian are accepted by the Church Catholic. Tyre anti the later Ephesian, though both were sum moned at the will of princes and attended by a large concourse of bishops, are rejected. Why? The earlier Ephesian in the disorder and violence of its proceedings was as disgraceful as the Tyrian and the later Ephesian. The councils of Nicaea and of Ephesus, called the first and the third oecumenical councils, are vindicated by the assent of the wisest of the Church. The dictum securus judicat orbis terrarum here holds good, and is seen to be identical with the ultimate foundation of the great Aristotelian definition "defined by reason, and as the wise man would define." And such is also the practical outcome of the statement of Article XXI, of the Church of England.
cf. the striking passage of Augustine (Cont. Maximin. Arian. ii. 14). "Sed nunc nec ego Nicaenum, nec tu debes Ariminense, tanquam proejudicaturus, proferre consilium. Nec ego hujus auctoritate, nec tu illius detineris). Scripturarum auctoritatibus, non quorumque propriis, sed utrisque communibus testibus, res cum re, causa cum causa, ratio cum ratione concertet." On the first four accepted oecumenical councils Dr. Salmon (Infallibility of the Church, p. 287) remarks, "Gregory the Great says that he venerates these four as the four Gospels, and describes them as the four square stones on which the structure of faith rests. Yet the hard struggle each of these councils had to make and the number of years which the struggle lasted before its decrees obtained general acceptance, show that they obtain their authority because of the truth which they declared and it was not because of their authority that the decrees were recognised as true."
(74 )Garnerius, the Jesuit, in his dissertation on the life of Theodoret writes: "When Theodoret got news of his deposition he determined to send envoys to the apostolic see, that is to the head of all the churches in the world, to plead his cause before the righteous judgment seat of St. Leo," and in his summary of his own chapter he says "Theodoret appeals to the apostolic see."
(77 )cf. Glubokowski. pp. 237, 239. Du Pin. iv. 83. Cardinal Newman, in his very bright and sympathetic sketch of Theodoret, (Hist. Sketches ii. 308 ed. 1891) writes the following remarkable sentence. "This, at least, he has in common with St. Chrysostom that both of them were deprived of their episcopal rank by a council, both appealed to the holy see, and by the holy see both were cleared and restored to their ecclesiastical dignities." It would be difficult in the compass of so short a sentence to combine more statements so completely misleading. To say that Chrysostom and Theodoret both appealed to the "holy see" is as much an anachronism as to say that they appealed to the Court of the Vatican or to the Dome of St. Peter's. In their day there was no holy see, that is to say, kat= ecoxhn. All sees were holy sees, just as all bishops were styled your holiness. Rome, it is true, was the only apostolical see in the West, but it was not the only apostolical see, and whatever official precedence it could claim over Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria, was due to its being the see of the old imperial capital, a precedence expressly ordered at Chalcedon to be shared with the new Rome on the Bosphorus. As to the "appeal," we have seen what it meant in the case of Theodoret. It meant the same in the case of Chrysostom. Cut to the quick at the cruel and brutal treatment of his friends after his banishment from Constantinople in the summer of 404 he pleaded his cause in letters sent as well to Venerius of Milan and Chromatius of Aquileia as to Innocent of Rome. Innocent very properly espoused his cause, declared his deposition void, and did his best to move Honorius to move Arcadius to convoke a council. The cruel story of the long martyrdom of bitter exile and the death in the lonely chapel at Comana is a terrible satire on the restoration to ecclesiastical dignities. The unwary reader of "the historical sketch" might imagine the famous John of the mouth of gold brought back in triumph to Constantinople by the authority of the pope in 404 as he had been by the enthusiasm of his flock in 403, and Arcadius and Eudoxia cowering before the power of Holy Church like Henry IV. at Canossa in 1077. The true picture of the three years of agony which preceded the old man's passage to the better world in 407 is a painful contrast to contemplate (Pallad. Dial. 1-3. Theodoret V. 34. Sozomen vii. 26, 27, 28.) Of Theodoret's restoration to "ecclesiastical dignity," and Leo's part in it, we shall see further on.
(79 )Though Marcian's independence of western dictation was shewn in the summoning of the bishops not to a place in Italy, as Leo had hoped and urged, but to Chalcedon, the beautiful Asiatic suburb of Constantinople.
(82 )Perhaps of the Emperor himself. (Breviar. Hist. Eutych.) The representatives of the imperial government sat in the centre of the Cancelli; on their right were Dioscorus, Juvenal of Jerusalem, and the Palestinian bishops; on their left Paschasinus of Lilybaeum, (Marsala) Lucentius of Asculum (Ascoli) with Boniface, a Roman presbyter, the three representatives of Leo, Anatolius of Constantinople, Maximus of Antioch, and the orientals. Paschasinus signed as "synodo proesidens," but he did not either locally or effectively preside.
(83 )The acts of the Council of Chalcedon refer to Theodoret having been righted by the ishop of "the illustrious city of Rome;" "the archbishop of the senior city of Rome." The primacy is that of the ancient capital.
(85 )Labbe iv. 621. Bertram (Theod. Ep. Cyr. doctrina christologica, 1883) thinks Theodoret changed his views; Möller Herzog XV. s.v.) that he retained them, though necessarily modified in expression by stress of circumstances.
(92 )Leo. Ep. cxx., and Migne Theod. iv. 1193. Chagrined at the decision of the Council that Constantinople was to enjoy honorary precedence next after old Rome and practical equality and independence, in that the metropolitans of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace were to be ordained by the patriarch of Constantinople, Leo manages to write to Theodoret, par parenthèse, of the Roman See as one "quam coeteris omnium Dominus statuit proesidere." If in "statuit" Leo had meant to refer to a Divine Providence overruling history, and in "proesidere" to the fact that Rome was for many years the capital of the world, his remark would have been open to little objection. But he meant something quite different.
(99 )Dean Milman (Lat. Christ. iv, 4), following in the wake of Gibbon, remarks that "the church was not now disturbed by the sublime, if inexplicable, dogmas concerning the nature of God, the Persons of the Trinity, or the union of the divine and human nature of Christ, concerning the revelations of Scripture, or even the opinions of the ancient fathers. The orthodoxy or heterodoxy of certain writings by bishops but recently dead became the subject of imperial edicts of a fifth so-called Oecumenic Council, held at Constantinople, and a religious war between the East and the West," but it was on their explanation of sublime if inexplicable dogmas that the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of these bishops depended, and so far as the subject matter of dispute is concerned, the position in 553 was not very different from that of 451. In both cases the church was moved at once by honest conviction and partisan passion; the state was influenced partly by a healthy desire to promote peace through out the empire, partly by the Schaft Hist, Christ ambition of posing as theological arbitrator.
(101 )Dean Milman (Lat. Christ. iv, 4), following in the wake of Gibbon, remarks that "the church was not now disturbed by the sublime, if inexplicable, dogmas concerning the nature of God, the Persons of the Trinity, or the union of the divine and human nature of Christ, concerning the revelations of Scripture, or even the opinions of the ancient fathers. The orthodoxy or heterodoxy of certain writings by bishops but recently dead became the subject of imperial edicts of a fifth so-called Oecumenic Council, held at Constantinople, and a religious war between the East and the West," but it was on their explanation of sublime if inexplicable dogmas that the orthodoxy or heterodoxy of these bishops depended, and so far as the subject matter of dispute is concerned, the position in 553 was not very different from that of 451. In both cases the church was moved at once by honest conviction and partisan passion; the state was influenced partly by a healthy desire to promote peace through out the empire, partly by the Schaft Hist, Christ ambition of posing as theological arbitrator.
(105 )A writer, supposed to be a layman, whose works were discovered in two mss. at the end of the seventeenth century. One is in the Vatican, the other was found in the Cathedral Library of Beauvais. Marius wrote fully on the Nestorian Controversy, and with acrimony against Theodoret.
(125 )"Unquestionably the right view of this controverted passage is that of the Greek Fathers, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Theodoret, and others. In reading their comments it is quite clear that they found no more difficulty in St. Paul's elliptical use of the Greek uper than we do in Shakesperere's use of the English `for.0' They did not hesitate in their homilies to expound that the phrase `or the dead0' meant `with an interest in the resurrection of the dead,0' or that `for0' by itself meant even so much as `in expectation of the resurrection.0' Speaker's Commentary, iii. 373.
(127 )Ceillier (x. 42) repeats the charge of distinct errors in chronology in (a) the statement that Arius died in 325 instead of in 336; (b) the extension of the exile of Athanasius by four months; (c) the election of Ambrose at the beginning of the reign of Valentinian, instead of ten years later; (d) the troubles at Antioch placed after instead of before those at Thessalonica; (e) the siege of Nisibis in 350 confounded with that of 359. As to (a) the truth is that Theodoret is guilty rather of vagueness than of a misstatement. (Vide I. capp. xiii, xiv.) The objection to (b) the two years and four months exile of Athanasius is due to Valerius (obs. Ecc. i). Canon Bright (Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 187) agrees with Theodoret (cf. Newman Hist. Tracts xii and Hefele, Conciliengesch. i. 467.) In (c) Theodoret is vague, in (d) wrong. According to Valerius Volagesus, and not Jacobus, was bishop of Nisibis in 350.
(129 )Valesii annotationes-Theod: Migne III. 1522. Valesius is the Latinized form of Henri de Valois, French historiographer royal, who edited Ammianus Marcellinus and the Greek Ecclesiastical historians. He died in 1692.
(132 )"Baronius obviously approves of Gregory's remark about Theodoret's lies, that is his errors in the order of events, and out of Book iv. produces no less than fifteen blunders, to say nothing of those in iii and v." Garner. loc. cit. 280, 281.
(140 )"On y voit toute la beaute du gènie de Theodoret; du choix dans les pensées, de la noblesse dans les expressions, de l'elegance et de la nettete dans le style, de la suite et de la force dans les raisonnements." Ceillier x. 88 (Remi Ceillier _1761. His "Histoire Générale des auteurs sacrés" was published in Paris 1729-1763.)
(144 )A Galatian sect. Jerome has "Ascodrobi," Epiphanius (Haer. 416) identifies "Tascodrugitae," with Cataphrygians or Montanists, and says they were so called from the habit of putting their finger to their nose when praying.
(163 )In Walch's Hist. Ketz. V. 778, there is a good summary of Nestorius' views: he thinks the dispute a mere logomachy. So also Luther, and after him Bashage, Dupin, Jablonski. Vide reff. in Gieseler i. 236.
(169 )La vie sainte et édifante que Théodoret mena dès sa première jeunusse; les travaux apostoliques dont il honora son épiscopat; son zèle pour la conversion des ennemis de l'église; les persecutions qu'il sonffrait pour lenom de Jesus Christ; son amour pour la solitude, pour la pauvreté et pour les pauvres; l'esprit de charité qu'il a fait paraitre dans toutes les occasions; la généreuse liberté dans la confession de la verité; sa profonde humilité qui parai't danstons ses écrits; le succès dont Dieu bénit ses soins et ses mouvements pour le salut des hommes, l'ont reudu venerable dans l'eglise. Les anciens l'ont qualifie saint, et apellé un homme divin; mais la qualité qu'ils lui donnent ordinairement c'est celle de bienheureux." Ceillier
(195 )For the view that the cup deprecated by the Saviour was death there is no direct Scriptural authority and to adopt the exegesis of Theodoret and of many others would be to place the divine humanity of the Messiah on a lower; level than that not merely of many a martyr and patriot but of many men unconscious of martyr's or patriot's high calling, who have nevertheless faced death and pain with calm and cheerful fortitude. The bitterness of the cup which the Saviour prayed might if possible pass from Him seems rather to have lain in the culmination of the sin of the race and nation with which His love for men had identified Him; the greed, the treachery, the meanness, the cruelty, the disloyalty, shewn by the Sons of Israel to the Son of David, by the sons of men to the Son of Man.
(231 )For "the Christ" we might expect here "the Word," for that the Christ suffered is the plain statement of Scripture (1 Pet ii. 21). But Theodoret uses the name Christ of the eternal word, e.g. de Providentia x. 661. "When you hear Christ mentioned, understand the only begotten Son the Word, begotten of His Father before the ages, clad in human nature."
(4 )ekklhsia. The use of the word in 1 Cor. xi. 18 indicates a transition stage between "Assembly" and "Building." The brethren met "in assembly:" soon they met in a church. Cf. Aug. Ep. 190, 5. 19; "ut nomine ecclesiae, id est populi qui continetur, significemus locum qui continct." Chrysost. Hom. xxix. in Acta: oi progonoi taj ekklhsiaj wkodomhsan.
(21 )Alexander's words seem to imply that Colluthus began his schismatical proceedings in assuming to exercise episcopal functions before the separation of Arius from the Church, and that one cause of his wrung action was impatience at the mild course at first adopted by Alexander towards Arius. The Council of Alexandria held in a.d. 324 under Hosius, decided that he was only a Presbyter.
(22 )xriostemporia. The word xristemporoj is applied in the "Didache" to lazy consmers of alms. Cf. Ps. Ignat. ad Trall.: ou xristianoi alla xristemporoi, Ps. Ignat. ad Mag. ix., and Bp. Lightfoot's note.
(33 )The history of the word upostasij is of crucial value in the study of the Arian controversy. Its various usages may be classified as (i) Classical; (ii) Scriptural; (iii) Ecclesiastical. The correlative substantive of the verb ufisthmi, I make to stand under, [from upo = sub. under, and isthmi, STA]; it means primarily a standing under. Hence, materially, it means in (i) Classical Greek, sediment, prop. foundation: substances as opposed to their reflexions, substantial nature, as of timber [Theoph. C. P. 5. 16. 4]. So naturally grew the signification of ground of hope, actual existence; and, in the later philosophy, it had come to be employed instead of ousia for the noetic substratum "underlying" the phaenomena. (ii) Scriptural. In the N.T. it is found five times, twice in 2 Cor. and thrice in Heb. (a) 2 Cor. ix 4, and (b) 2 Cor. xi. 17. "Confidence" of boasting. (g) Heb. i. 3, o xarakthr thj upostasewj, A.V. the express image of His "person." R.V., the very image of His "substance." (d) Heb. iii. 14, "Confidence". (e) Heb. xi. 1, A.V. "substance" of things hoped for. R.V. Assurance of things hoped for. (iii) Ecclesiastical. The earlier ecclesiastical use, like the later philosophical, identified it with ousia, and so the Nicene Confession anathematized those who maintained the Son to be of a different substance or essence from the Father (upostasewj h ousiaj). In the version of Hilary of Poictiers (de Synodis, §84; Op. ii. 510) ousia is translated by "substantia," the etymological equivalent of upostasij, except in the phrase quoted, when "substantia aut essentia" represents ousia by its own etymological equivalent "essentia." Thus in a.d. 325 to have contended for treij upostaseij would have been heretical. But as the subtilty of controversy required greater nicety of phrase, it was laid down (Basil the Great, Ep. 38) that while ousia is an universal denoting that which is common to the individuals of a species, upostasij makes an individual that which it is, and constitutes personal existence. Hence mia upostasij became Sabellian, and treij ousiai Arian, while treij upostaseij was orthodox. cf Theod. Dial. i. 7. Eranistes loq. "Is there any distinction between ousia and upostasij?"
Orthodoxus. "In extra-Christian philosophy there is not; for ousia signifies to on, that which is, and upostasij that which subsists. But according to the doctrine ot the Fathers there is the same difference between ousia and upostasij as between the common and the particular; the race, and the species or individual.".. "The Divine ousia (substance) means the Holy Trinity; but the upostasij indicates any proswpon (person) as of the Father, the Son, or of the Holy Ghost. For we who follow the definitions of Fathers assert upostasij, proswpon and idiothj (substantial nature, person, or individuality) to mean the same thing." Vide also Newman's Arians of the Fourth Century, Appendix, Note iv. fourth Edition.
(43 )Heb. i. 2. Vide Alford. proleg. to Ep. to Heb., "Nowhere except in the Alexandrian Church does there seem to have existed any idea that the Epistle was St. Paul's." "At Alexandria the conventional habit of quoting the Epistle as St. Paul's gradually prevailed over critical suspicion and early tradition."
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(61 )Lucianus, the presbyter of Antioch, who became the head of the theological school of that city in which the leaders of the Arian heresy were trained, after the deposition of Paulus refused to hold communion with his tree successors in the patriarchate, Domnus, Timaeus, and Cyril. During the episcopate of the last named he once more entered into communion with the church of Antioch. On the impotance of Lucianus as founder of the Arians, Vide Newman's Arians of the Fourth Century, Chap. I. Sec. i. and cf. the letter of Arius post. Chap. iv.
(86 )On the name "Pope," vide Dict. Christ. Ant., s.v. 1st, it was applied to the teachers of convers, 2ndly, to Bishops and Abbots, and was, 3rdly, confined to the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, Constantinople, and to the Bp. of Rome; 4thly, it was claimed by the Bp. of Rome exclusively.
(92 )From the phrase "o adelfoj sou o en Kaisareia," it has been inferred by some that the two Eusebii were actually brothers. Eusebius of Nicomedia, in the letter of Chapter V., calls the Palestinian despothj; but this alone would not be fatal to the brotherhood, for Seneca (Ep. Mor. 104), calls his brother Gallio dominus. The phrase of Arius is not worth much against the silence of every one else. Vid. Dict. Christ. Biog. Article, Eusebius.
Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea, Syria, (not the Phrgian Laodicea of the Apocalypse), was a Physician of the body was well as of the soul (Euseb. H.E. vii. 32).
Paulinus, bishop first of Tyre, and then of Antioch for six months, died in a.d. 329. (Philost. H.E. iii. 15, cf. Bishop Lightfoot in Dict Christian Biog. Article, Eusebius of Caesarea).
Athanasius, bishop of Anazarbus, an important town of Cilicia Campestris, accused of dangerous Arianism by his great namesake. (Athan. de Synod, 584.)
Gregorius succeeded Eusebius of Nicomedia at Berytus (Beyrout), on the translation of the latter to Nicomedia.
Aetius, Bishop of Lydda, (the Lydda of the Acts, on the plain of Sharon, now Ludd, the city of El-Khudr, who is identified with St. George), died soon after the Arian Synod of Antioch, a.d. 330 (Philost. H.E. iii. 12), and is to be distinguished from the arch-Arian Aetius, Julian's friend, who survived till a.d. 367 (Phil. H.E. ix. 6).
Philognius was raised to the episcopate per saltum, like St. Ambrose (Chrysost. Orat. 71, tom. v. p. 507), he preceded the Arian Paulinus.
Hellanicus was present at Nicaea, but was driven from the See of Tripolis, in Phoenicia, by the Arians (Athan. Hist. Ar. ad Mon. §5).
Macarius is praised by Athanasius (Orat. I. adv. Arian. p. 291). On a possible "passage of arms" between him and Eusebius of Caesarea at Nicaea, vide Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. V. Cf. post, cap. xvii.
(103 )i.e. The Filoqeoj istoria, "Religious History," a work containing the lives of celebrated ascetics, composed before the Ecclesiastical History. For Dr. Newman's explanation of its apparent credulity, Vide Hist. Sketches, iii. 314, and compare his Apologia pro Vita sua, on his own acceptance of the marvellous, Appendix, p. 57.
Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis, the Bethshan of Scripture, was an ardent and persistent Arian. Theodoret mentions his share in the deposition of Eustathius (I. 20). Theognis was sentenced to banishment on account of the Arian sympathies he displayed at Nicaea, but escaped by a feigned acceptance.
Narcissus of Irenopolis a town of Cilicia Secunda, took an active part in the Arian movement: Athanasius says that he was thrice degraded by different synods, and is the worst of the Eusebians (Ath. Ap. de fuga, sec. 28).
Marmarica is not a town, but a district. It lay west of Egypt, about the modern Barca.
There were two cities in Egypt named Ptolemais, one in Upper Egypt below Abydos; one a port of the Red Sea.
After the time of Constantine, Cilicia was divided into threedistricts; Cilicia Prima, with Tarsus for chief town; Secunda, with Anazarbus; Tertia, with Seleuceia.
(126 )Alexandria. The allusion, according to Valesius, is to Dionysius, Bishop Rome, 259-269, and to Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria. The Letter of Athanasius to the Africans was written, according to Baronius, in 369. So triwn may suit the chronology better than triakonta.
(129 )Meletius (Meletioj), Bishop of Lycopolis, in Upper Egypt, was accused of apostasy. During the Patriarch Peter's withdrawal under persecution he intruded into the see of Alexandria. He was deposed in 306.
(137 )The genuineness of the following sentence is doubted. It is not found in Socrates or in Epiphanius. But it is not unreasonably held by Valesius that Socrates, who seems to have undertaken to clear the character of Eusebius of all heretical taint, purposely suppressed the passage as inconsistent with orthodoxy. Soc. i. 8. Dr. Newman writes of this passage, "It is remarkable as shewing his (Constantine's) utter ignorance of doctrines which were never intended for discussion among the unbaptized heathen, or the secularized Christian, that, in spite of bold avowal of the orthodox faith in detail" (i.e. in his letter to Arius), "yet shortly after he explained to Eusebius one of the Nicene declarations in a sense which even Arius would scarcely have allowed, expressed as it is almost after the manner of Paulus. "Arians," 3rd ed., p. 256.
(142 )Athanasius, chosen alik by the designation of the dying Alexander, by popular acclamation, and by the election of the Bishop of the Province, was, in spite of his reluctance and retirement, consecrated, a.d. 326.
(144 )sunaxqhsetai. The word sunacij, originally equivalent to sunagwgh, and little used before the Christian era, means sometimes the gathering of the congregation, sometimes the Holy Communion. Vide Suicer s.v. Here the meaning is determifned by parallel authority. (Cf. Soc. I. 38.)
(147 )We are not necessarily impaled on Gibbon's dilemma of poison or miracle. There are curious instances of sudden death under similar circumstances, e.g. that of George Valla of Piacenza, at Venice circa 1500. Vide Bayle's Dict. s.v.
(152 )eparxikh tacij\ eparxia occurs Ac xxiii. 34, of Cilicia, and in xxv. 1, of Judaea, the province of the Procurator Festus, but in the time of Constantine the eparxoi were civil praefects, without any military command, governing four great eparxiai, viz. (i) Thrace, Egypt, and the East, (ii) Illyricum, Macedonia, and Greece, (iii) Italy and Africa, and (iv) Gaul, Spain, and Britain. (Zos. ii. 33.) On the accurate use of titles in the N.T. vide Bp. Lightfoot in Appendix to Essays on Supernatural Religion.
(156 )i.e. the "Comes fisci," or officer managing the revenues of the Province. Dioecesis is used in civil sense by Cicero, Ep. Fam. 3, 8, 4, and Ammianus (17, 7, 6), mentions the compliment paid by Constantius II. to his empress Eusebia, by naming a "Diocese" of the Empire after her.
(160 )On the traditional site of the Holy Sepulchre, and the buildings on it, vide Stanley's "Sinai and Palestine," pp. 457 and seqq., and Canon Bright in Dict. Christ. Ant., article "Holy Sepulchre."
(161 )Flavia Julia Helena, the first wife of Constantius Chlorus, born of obscure parents in Bithynia _a.d. 328. "Stabulariam hanc primo fuisse adserunt, sic cognitam Constantio seniori." (Ambr. de obitu Theod. §42, p. 295.) The story of her being the daughter of a British Prince, and born at York or Colchester, is part of the belief current since William of Malmesbury concerning Constantine's British Origin, which is probably due to two passages of uncertain interpretation in the Panegyrici: (a) Max. et Const. iv., "liberavit (Constantius) Britannias servitute, tu etiam nobiles, illic oriendo, fecisti." (b) Eum. Pan. Const. ix., "O fortunata et nunc omnibus beatior terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vidisti." But is this said of birth or accession? Cf. Gibbon, chap. xiv.
(162 )Crispus and Fausta were put to death in 326. "If it was not in order to seek expiation for her son's crimes, and consolation for her own sorrows, that Helen made her tamous journey to the Holy Land, it was immediately consequent upon them." Stanley, Eastern Church, p. 211.
(167 )Carried away from Jerusalem by Chosroes II. in 614, it was recovered, says the legend, by Heracliuns in 628. The feast of the "Exaltation of the Cross" on Sept. 14th, combines the Commemoration of the Vision of Constantine, the exaltation of the relic at Jerusalem, and its triumphal entry after its exile under Chosroes. In later years it was, as is well known, supposed to have a miraculous power of self-multiplication, and such names as St. Cross at Winchester, Santa Croce at Florence, and Vera Cruz in Mexico illustrate its cultus. Paulinus of Nola, at the beginning of the fifth century, sending a piece to Sulpicius Severus, says that though bit were frequently taken from it, it grew no smaller (Ep. xxxi.).
(168 )May 3rd has been kept since the end of the eighth century in honour of the "Invention of the Cross" and the Commemoration of the ancient "Ellinmas" was retained in the reformed Anglican Calendar.
(169 )Tillemont puts her death in 328. Eusebius (V. Const. viii. 47), says she was carried epi thn basileuousan polin, by which he generally means Rome, but Socrates (i. 17) writes eij thn basileuousan nean Pwmhn, i.e. Constantinople. There is a chapel in her honour in the church of the Ara Coeli at Rome, but her traditional burial-place is a mile and a halt beyond the Porta Maggiore, on the Via Labicana, and thence came the porphyry sarcophagus called St. Helena's, which was placed by Pius VI. in the Hall of the Greek Cross in the Vatican.
(170 )i.e. Apost. Can. xiv., which forbids translation without an "eulogoj aitia, or prospect or more spiritual gain in saving souls; and guards the application of the rule by the proviso that neither the bishop himself, nor the paroikia desiring him, but many bishops, shall decide the point." Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 226.
(172 )Athanasius, Disp Prima Cont. Ar., mentions an Amphion, orthodox bishop of Epiphania in Cilicia Secunda. That he is the same as the Amphion of the text is asserted by Baronius and doubted by Tillemont. Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.
(176 )Jerome says Trajanopolis, but Eustathius died at Philippi, circa 337. Athanasius, who calls Enstathius "a confessor and sound in the faith" (Hist. Ar. §4), says the false charge which had most weight with Constantine was that the bishop of Antioch had slandered the Empress Helena. Sozomen (II. 19) records the patience with which Eustathius suffered, and sums up his character as that of "a good and true man, specially remarkable for eloquence, to which his extant writings testify, admirable as they are alike for the dignity ot their style of ancient cast, the sound wisdom of their sentiments, the beauty of their language, and grace of expression." The sole survivor of his works is an attack on Origen's interpretation of Scripture.
(177 )Socrates, H E. i. 24, says that on the deposition of Eustathius "efechj epi eth oktw legetai ton en 'Antioxeia qronon thj ekklhsiaj sxolasai oye de ...xeirotoneitai Eufronioj." Cf. Soz. H.E. ii. 19. There is much confusion about this succession of bishops. Jerome (Chron. ii. p. 92) gives the names of the Arian bishops thrust in succession into the place of Eustathius, as Eulalius, Eusebius, Eufronius, Placillus. "Perhaps Eulalius was put forward for the vacant see, like Eusebius, but never actually appointed". Bp. Lightfoot, Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 315.
(181 )The words of Sozomen (ii. 24) corresponding with the passage in which Rufinus (i. 9) speaks of meeting "romano ritu orationis caussa," are h rwmaioij eqoj ekklhsiazein, i.e. to assemble to worship after the manner civilized citizens of the Empire, and not like savages. The expression has nothing to do with the customs of the Church of Rome, in the later sense of the word, as has sometimes been represented. Cf. Soc. I. 19, taj xristianikaj ektelein euxaj.
(182 )"The king, if we identify the narrative with the Ethiopian version of the story, must have been the father of the Abreha and Atzbeha of the Ethiopian annals." "Frumenfius received the title of Abbana, or Abba Salama" (cf. Absalom), "the Father of Peace." "The bishopric of Auxume" (Axum, about 100 miles S.W. of Massowah) "assumed a metropolitan character." (Dict. of Christ. Biog., Art. Ethiopian Church). Constantius afterwards wrote to the Ethiopian Prince to ask him to replace Frumentius by Theophilus, an Arian, but without success (Ath. Ap. ad Const. 31).
(183 )This story, like the preceding, is copied or varied by Sozomen, Socrates, and our author, from the version found also in Rufinus. Iberia, the modern Georgia, was conquered by Pompey, and ceded by Jovian.
(184 )The Evangelizer of Georgia is honoured on Dec. 15th (Guerin Pet. Bolland, xiv. 306) as "Sainte Chrétienne," and it is doubtful whether the name Nina, in which she appears in the Armenogregorian Calendar for June 11 (Neale, Eastern Church, ii. 799), may not be a title. "Nina" is probably a name of rank, and perhaps is connected with our nun (Neale, i. 61). Moses of Chorene (ii. 83) gives the name "Nunia." Rufinus (i. 10) states that he gives the story as he heard it from King Bacurius at Jerusalem. On the various legends of St. Nina and her work, vie S. C. Malan, Hist. of Georgian Church pp. 17-33.
(185 )Sapor II. (Shapur) Postumus, the son of Hormisdas II., was one of the greatest of the Sassanidae. He reigned from a.d. 310 to 381, and fought with success against Constantius II. and Julian, "augendi regni cupiditate supra homines flagrans." Amm. Marc xviii. 4.
(186 )The reading of Basil. Cr. and Lat., and Pini Codex, epwdh for gewdh, is approved by Schulze, and may indicate a side-hit at the Magian fire-worship. But the adjectival form epwdhj for epwdoj is doubtful.
(193 )The imperial writer may have had in his mid Tiberius, whose miserable old age was probably ended by murder; Caius, stabbed by his own guard; Claudius, poisoned by his wife; Nero driven to shameful suicide; Vitellius, beaten to death by a brutal mob; Domitian, assassinated by his wife and freedmen; Commodus murdered by his courtiers, and Pertinax by his guards; Caracalla, murdered; Heliogabalus, murdered; Alexander Severus, Maximinus, Gordianus, murdered; Decius, killed in war; Gallus, Aemilianus, Gallienus, all murdered; Aurelianus, Probus, Carus, murdered. On the other hand Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, and Diocletian, who persecuted the Church with less or more severity, died peaceful deaths.
(194 )Valerianus, proclaimed Emperor in Rhoetia, a.d. 254, was defeated in his campaign against the Persians, and treated with indignity alive and dead. After being made to crouch as a footstool for his conqueror to tread on when mounting ou homeback, he was flayed alive, a.d. 260, and his tanned skin nailed in a Persian temple as a "memorial of his shame." Cf. Const. Orat. xxiv. Gibbon's catholic scepticism includes the humiliation of Valerianus. "The tale," he says, "is moral and pathetic, but the truth of it may very fairly be called in question." (Decline and Fall, Chap. X.). But the passage in the text, in which the allusion has not always been perceived, and the parallel reference in the Emperor's oration, indicate the belief of a time little more than half a century after the event. Lactantius (de Monte Persecutorum V.), was probably about ten years old when Valerianus was defeated, and, if so, gives the testimony of a contemporary. Orosius (vii. 22) and Agathias (iv. p. 133) would only copy earlier writers, but the latter states that for the fact of Sapor's thus treating Valerianus there is "abundant historical testimony." Cf. Tilemont, Hist. Emp. iii. pp. 314, 315.
(195 )"tou xorou twn diakonwn hgoumenoj." The youth of Athanasius indicates a variety in the qualifications for the archidiaconate, for he can hardly have been the senior deacon. Cf. Dict. Christian Ant., Art. "Archdeacon.'
(199 )Perinthus, on the Propontis also known as Heraclea, and now Erekli, was once a flourishing town. Theodorus was deposed at Sardica. On his genuine writings, vide Fer. de Vir. Ill. c. 90, and on a Commentary on the Psalter, published in 1643, and attributed to him, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 934.
(200 )The Council of Tyre met a.d. 335, on the date, vide Bp. Lightfoot in Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 316, note. "The scenes at the Council of Tyre form the most picturesque and the most shameful chapter in the Arian controversy." Id.
(202 )Here comes in the famous scene of the sudden apparition of Athanasius before Constantine. "The Emperor is entering Constantinople in state. A small figure darts across his path in the middle of the square, and stops his horse. The Emperor, thunderstruck, tries to pass on; he cannot guess who the petitioner can be. It is Athanasius, who comes to resist on justice, when thought to be leagues away at the Council of Tyre." Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. VII.
(210 )Vide Pedigree, in the Prolegomena. Constantine II. received Gaul, Britain, Spain, and a part of Africa: Constantius the East, and Constaus Illyricum, Italy, and the rest of Africa. In 340 Constans defeated his brother, who was slain near Aquileia, and became master of the West.
(213 )Valesius explains this allusion by quoting the Arian Philostorgius (ii. 17), who says that "the statue of Constantine, standing on its porphyry column, was honoured with sacrifices, illuminations, and incense." The accusation of idolatrous worship may be disregarded. Cf. Chron. Alex. 665, 667.
(1 )From Feb. 336 to June 338. The "Porta Nigra" and the ruins of the Baths still shew relics of the splendour of the imperial city. The exile was generously treated. Maximinus, the bishop of Treves, was orthodox and friendly. (Ath. ad Episc. Aegypt. §8.) On the conclusion of the term of his relegation to Treves Constantine II. took him in the imperial suite to Viminacium, a town on the Danube, not far from the modern Passarovitz. Here the three emperors met. Athanasius continued his journey to Alexandria via Constantinople and the Cappadocian Caesarea. (Ath. Hist. Ar. §8 and Apol. ad Const. §5.)
(3 )Vide Pedigree. Philostorgius (ii. 16) said the will was given to Eusebius of Nicomedia. Valesius (on Soc. i. 25) thinks that if the story had been true Athanasius would have recorded it, with the name of the Presbyter.
(7 )The ground of objection to the return was (i) that Athanasius had been condemned by a Council-that of Tyre, and (ii) that he was restored by the authority of the state alone. The first intention was to get the Arian Pistus advanced to the patriarchate.
(12 )For the violent resentment of the Alexandrian Church at the obtrusion of Gregorius, an Ultra-Arian, and apparently an illustration of the old proverb of the three bad Kappas, "Kappadokej, Krhtej, Kilikej, tria kappa kakista," for he was a Cappadocian-vide Ath. Encyc. 3, 4, Hist. Ar. 10. The sequence of events is not without difficulty, and our author gives here little help. Athanasius was in Alexandria in the spring of 340, when Gregorius made his entry, and started for Rome at or about Easter. Constantine II. was defeated and slain by the troops of his brother Constans, in the neighbourhood of Aquileia, and his corpse found in the river Alsa, in April, 340. Athanasius remained at Rome till the summer of 343, when he was summoned to Milan by Constans (Ap. ad Const. 3, 4).
Results of his visit to Rome were the adherence of Latin Christianity to the orthodox opinion (Cf. Milman, Hist. of Lat. Christianity, vol. i. p. 78), and the introduction of Monachism into the West. Vide Robertson's Ch. Hist. ii. 6.
(16 )Flavius Philippus, praetorian praefect of the East, is described by Socrates (II. 16), as deutepoj meta basilea. Paulus was removed from Constantinople in 342, and not slain till 350. Philippus died in disappointment and misery. Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 356.
(17 )On the vicissitudes of the see of Constantinople, after the death of Alexander, in a.d. 336, vide Soc. ii. 6 and Soz. iii. 3. Paulus was murdered in 350 or 351, and the "shortly after" of the text means nine years, Macedonius being replaced by Eudoxius of Antioch, in 360. On how far the heresy of the "Pneumatomachi," called Macedonianism, was really due to the teaching of Macedonius, vide Robertson's Church Hist. II. iv. for reff.
(18 )The Council met in 343, according to Hefele; 344, according to Mansi, on the authority of the Festal Letters of Athanasius. Summoned by both Emperors, it was presided over by Hosius. The accounts of the numbers present vary. Some authorities adhere to the traditional date, 347. Soc. ii. 20; Soz. iii. 11.
(20 )Perhaps present at the Synod of Ancyra (Angora), in a.d. 315. Died, a.d. 374. Marcellus played the man at Nicaea, and was accused by the Arians of Sabellianism, and deposed. He was distrusted as a trimmer, but could boast "se communione Julii et Athanasii, Romanae et Alexandrinae urbis pontifficum, esse munitum" (Fer. de vir. ill. c. 86). Cardinal Newman thinks Athanasius attacked him in the IVth Oration against the Arians. Vide Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 808.
(21 )Probably Lucius, Bishop of Hadrianople, who had been deposed by the Arians, and appealed to Julius, who wished to right him. Still kept out by the Arians, he appealed to the Council of Sardica, and, in accordance with its decree, Constantius ordered his restoration (Soc. ii. 26). Cf. Chap. XII.
(23 )The strange story of Ischyras is gathered from notices in the Apol. c. Arian. Without ordination, he started a small conventicle of some half-dozen people, and the Alexandrian Synod of 324 condemned his pretensions. The incident of the text may be assigned to 329. He afterwards faced both ways, to Athanasius and the Eusebians, and was recognised by them as a bishop. Dict. Christ. biog. iii. 302.
(24 )Georgius succeeded the Arian Theodotus, of whom mention has already been made (p. 42), in the see of the Syrian Laodicea (Latakia). Athanasius (de fug. §26), speaks of his "dissolute life, condemned even by his own friends."
(28 )Bishop of Petra in Palestine. (Tomus ad Antioch. 10.) There is some confusion in the names of the sees, and a doubt whether there were really two Petras. Cf. Reland, Palestine, p. 298, Le Quien, East. Christ. iii. 665, 666.
(33 )Here, according to the Version of Athanasius (Ap. cont. Ar. 49), the Synodical Epistle ends. An argument against the genuineness of the addition is the introduction of a new formula of faith, while from the letter of Athanasius "ex synodo Alexandrinâ ad legatos apostolicae sedis,"" it is plain that nothing was added to the Nicene Creed. (Labbe iii. 84.)
(34 )This passage is very corrupt: the translation follows the Greek of Valesius, gennhtoj estin ama kai genhtoj. It is not certain that the distinction between agennhoj "unbegotten," and agenhtoj, "uncreate," was in use quite so early as 344. If the passage is spurious and of later date, the distinction might be more naturally found.
(42 )This translation follows the reading of the Allatian Codex, adopted by Valesius, th kainh ktisei. If we read koinh for kainh, we must render "excels or differs in relation to the common creation" which He shares with man.
(47 )oikonomia. In classical Greek oikonomia is simply the management (a) of a household, (b) of the state. In the N.T. we have it in Luke xvi. for "stewardship," and in five other places; (i) 1 Cor. ix. 17, A.V. "dispensation," R.V. "stewardship;" (ii)Eph. i. 10 A.V. and R.V. "dispensation;" (iii) Eph. iii. 2, A.V. and R.V. "dispensation;" (iv) Col. i. 25, A.V. and R.V. "dispensation;" (v) Tim. i. 4, where A.V. adopts the inferior reading oikodomhn, and R.V. renders the oikonomian of )
AFGKLP by "dispensation." Suicer gives as the meanings of the word (i) ministerium evangelii, (ii) providentia et numen quo Dei sapientia omnia moderatur, (iii) ipsa Christi naturae humanae assumptio, (iv) totius redemptionis mysterium et passionis Christi Sacramentum. Theodoret himself (Ed. Migne iv. 93) says thn enanqrwphsin de tou Qeou Logou kaloumen oikonomian, and quaintly distinguishes (Cant. Cant. p. 83) h smurna kai o libanoj toutestin h qeologia te kai oikonomia. On a phrase of St. Ignatius (Eph. xviii.), "o xristoj ekuoforhqh upo Mariaj kat' oikonomian," Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers, II. p. 75 note) writes: "The word oikonomia came to be applied more especially to the Incarnation because this was par excellence the system or plan which God had ordained for the government of His household and the dispensation of His stores. Hence in the province of theology, oikonomia was distinguished by the Fathers from qeologia proper, the former being the teaching which was concerned with the Incarnation and its consequences, and the latter the teaching which related to the Eternal and Divine nature of Christ. The first step towards this special appropriation of oikonomia to the Incarnation is found in St. Paul; e.g. Ephes. i. 10, eij oikonomian tou plhrwmatoj twn kairwn.... In this passage of Ignatius it is moreover connected with the `reserve0' of God (xix. en hsuxia qeou epraxqh). Thus `economy0' has already reached its first stage on the way to the sense of `dissimulation,0' which was afterwards connected wit it, and which led to disastrous consequences in the theology and practice of a later age." Cf. Newman's Arians, chap. i. sec. 3.
(50 )Leontius, Bishop of Antioch from a.d. 348 to 357, was one of the School of Lucianus. (Philost. iii. 15), cf. pp. 38 and 41, notes. Athanasius says hard things of him (de fug. §26), but Dr. Salmon (Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.) is of opinion that "we may charitably think that the gentleness and love of peace which all attest were not mere hypocrisy, and may impute his toleration of heretics to no worse cause than insufficient appreciation of the importance of the issues involved." Vide infra. chap. xix.
(52 )Athanasius went from Aquileia to Rome, where he saw Julius again, thence to Treves to the Court of Constans, and back to the East to Antioch, where the conversation about the "one church" took place. Soc. ii. 23; Soz. iii. 20.
(54 )The more significant from the fact that Constantius affected a more than human impassibility. Cf. the graphic account of his entry into Rome "velut collo munito rectam aciem luminum tendens, nec dextra vulture nec laeva flectebat, tanquam figmentum hominis: non cum rota concuteret nutans nec spuens aut os aut nasum tergens vel fricans manumve agitans visus est unquam." Amm. Marc. xvi. 10.
(62 )Georgius, a fraudulent contractor of Constantinople (Ath. Hist. Ar. 75), made Arian Bishop of ALexandria on the expulsion of Athanasius, in a.d. 356, was born in a fuller's shop at Epiphania in Cilicia. (Amm. Marc. xxii. 11, 3.) He was known as "the Cappadocian," and further illustrates the old saying of "Kappadokej Krhtej Kilikej, tria kappa kakiosta," and the kindred epigram
Kappadokhn pot' exidna kakh daken: alla kai auth
kaiqane geusamenh aimatoj iobalou.
The crimes of the brutal "Antipope" (Prof. Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog.) are many, but he was a book-collector. (Jul. Ep. ix. 36, cf. Gibbon 1. Chap. 23.) Gibbon says "the infamous George of Cappadocia has been transformed into the renowned St. George of England;" an identity sufficiently disproved.
(65 )One Ammonius had been consecrated by Alexander, and was bishop ot Pacnemunis (Ath. ad Drac. 210, and Hist. Ar. §72). Another was apparently consecrated by Athanasius (Hist. Ar. §72). An Ammonius was banished to the Upper Oasis (id.). Caius was the orthodox bishop of Thmuis. Philo was banished to Babylon (Hist. Ar. §72, cf. Jer. Vita Hilarionis 30). Muïus, Psinosiris, Nilammon, Plenius, Marcus the sees of these two Marci were Zygra and Philae), and Athenodorus, were relegated to the parts about the Libyan Ammon, nine days' journey from Alexandria, only that they might perish on the road. One did die. (Hist Ar. §72.) Adelphius was bishop of Onuphis in the Delta, and was sent to the Thebaid (Tom. ad Ant. 615.) Dracontius, to whom Athanasius addressed a letter, went to the deserts about Clysma (25 m. s.w. of Suez), and Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene (Assouan (Hist. Ar. §72), whither Trajan had banished Juvenal.
(69 )Athanasius was condemned at Arles (353) as well as at Milan in 355. At the latter place Constantius affected more than his father's infallibility, and exclaimed, "What I will, be that a Canon." Ath. Hist. Ar. §33.
(74 )Calaris (Cagliari). Luciferus, a vehement defender of Athanasius, was banished to Eleutheropolis in Palestine. Mr. Ll. Davies (Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v.), thinks the traditional story of the imprisonment of Luciferus at Milan, to prevent his outspoken advocacy of Athanasius, shews internal evidence of probability.
(75 )Eusebius, bishop of Vercellae (Vercelli), was a staunch Athanasian. He was banished to Scythopolis, where the bishop Patrophilus (cf. Book I. chapter VI. and XX.), a leading Arian, was, he says, his "jailer." (Vide his letters.)
(76 )The epithet eughrotatoj felicitously describes the honoured old age of the bishop of Cordova-he was now a hundred years old (Hist. Ar. §45)-before his pitiable lapse. He was sent to Sirmium (Mitrovitz).
(83 )On the question of the orthodoxy of Marcellus of Ancyra (Angora), vide the conflicting opinions of Bp Lightfoot (Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 342), and Mr. Ffoulkes (id. iii. 810). Ath. (Apol. contra Ar. §47) says of the Council of Sardica. "The book of our brother Marcellus was also read, by which the frauds of the Eusebians were plainly discovered ...his faith was found to be correct," cf. p. 67, note.
(89 )The interview took place at Milan, after the Eunuch Eusebius, Chamberlain of Constantius, had in vain tried to win over the bishop at Rome, and had exasperated him by making an improper offering at the shrine of St. Peter. (Hist. Ar. §86.)
(90 )I adopt the suggestion of Valesius, that alogwj refers not to the condemnation, but to the foolish remark of the imperial chamberlain. Another expedient for clearing Eusebius of the absurdity or saying that Athanasius was condemned at Nicaea, where he triumphed, has been to read Tyre for Nicaea.
(91 )Bishop of Centumcellae (Civita Vecchia); "a bold young fellow, ready for any mischief." A protégé of the Cappadocian Georgius, he was an Arian of the worst type, and had effected the substitution of Felix for Liberius in the Roman see by irregular and scandalous means. (Ath. Hist. Ar. §75.)
(92 )A passage of Ammianus Marcellinus (xxi. 16) on the "cursus publicus" has been made famous by Gibbon. "The Christian religion, which in itself is plain and simple, Constantius confounded by the dotage of superstition. Instead of reconciling the parties by the weight of his authority, he cherished and propagated, by verbal disputes, the differences which his vain curiosity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of bishops gallop. ing from every side to the assemblies which they call synods; and while they laboured to reduce the whole sect to their own particular opinions, the public establishment of the posts was almost ruined by their hasty and repeated journeys." Gibbon, chap. xx.
(94 )Eusebia. Constantius II. was thrice married; (i) a.d. 336 (Eus. Vit. Const. iv. 49), to his cousin Constantia, sister of Julian (vid. Pedigree in proleg.); (ii) a.d. 352, to Aurelia Eusebia, an Arian "of exceptional beauty of body and mind" (Amm. Marc. xxi. 6), and (iii) a.d. 360 or 361, to Faustina.
(96 )There were originally four factions in the Circus; blue, green, white, and red. Domitian added two more, golden and purple. But the blue and the green absorbed the rest, and divided the multitude at the games. Cf. Juv. XI. 197.
"Totam hodie Romam circus capit, et fragor aurem Percutit, eventum viridis quo colligo panni."
Cf. Amm. Marc. xiv. 6, and Plin. Ep. ix. 6.
(98 )The eastern bishops were summoned to Seleucia, in Cilicia; the western to Ariminum, (Rimini). "A previous Conference was held at Sirmium, in order to determine on the creed to be presented to the bipartite Council. ...The Eusebians struggled for the adoption of the Acacian Homoeon, which the Emperor had already both received and abandoned, and they actually effected the adoption of the `like in all things according to the Scriptures,0' a phrase in which the semi-Arians, indeed, included their `like in substance0' or Homoeiision, but which did not necessarily refer to substance or nature at all. Under these circumstances the two Councils met in the autumn of a.d. 359, under the nominal superintendence of the semi-Arians; but, on the Eusebian side, the sharp-witted Acacius undertaking to deal with the disputatious Greeks, the overbearing and cruel Valens with the plainer Latins." (Newman, Arians, iv. §4.) At Seleucia there were 150 bishops; at Ariminum 400.
(102 )Germanus (Ath. and Soz.), Germinius (according to Hilarius), bishop of Cyzicus, was translated to Sirmium, a.d. 356. The creed composed by Marcus of Arethusa with the aid of Germinius, Valens and others, is known as "the dated creed," from the minuteness, satirized by Athanasius, with which it specifies the day (May 22, a.d. XI. Kal. Jun.), in the consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius (Ath. de Syn. §8).
(103 )Auxentius, the elder, bishop of Milan, succeeded Dionysius in 355, and occupied the see till his death in 374, when Ambrose was chosen to fill his place. Auxentius, the younger, known also as Mercurinus, was afterwards set up by the Arian Court party as a rival bishop to Ambrose. A third Auxentius, a supporter of the heretic Jovinianus, is mentioned in the Epistle of Siricius. Vide reff. in Baronius and Tillemont. An Auxentius, Arian bishop of Mopsuestia, is mentioned by Philostorgius, v. 1. 2.
(108 )"The Eusebians, little pleased with the growing dogmatism of members of their own body, fell upon the expedient of confining their confession to Scripture terms; which, when separated from their context, were of course inadequate to concentrate and ascertain the true doctrine. Hence the formula of the Homoeon, which was introduced by Acacius with the express purpose of deceiving or baffling the semi-Arian members of his party. This measure was the more necessary for Eusebian interests, inasmuch as a new variety of the heresy arose in the East at the same time, advocated by Aetius and Eunomius; who, by professing boldly the pure Arian text, alarmed Constantius, and threw him back upon Basil, and the other semi-Arians. This new doctrine, called Anomoean, because it maintained that the usia or substance of the Son was unlike (anomoioj) the Divine usia, was actually adopted by one portion of the Eusebians, Valens, and his rude occidentals; whose language and temper, not admitting the refinements of Grecian genius, led them to rush from orthodoxy into the most hard and undisguised impiety. And thus the parties stand at the date now before us (a.d. 356-361); Constantius being alternately swayed by Basil, Acacius, and Valens, that is by the Homousian, the Homoean, and the Anomoean, the semi-Arian, the Scripturalist, and the Arian pure" (Newman, Arians, iv. §4).
(112 )These were displayed after his establishment in his see. He was the nominee of the Arian party, and bloody scenes marked the struggle with his rival Ursinus. "Damasus et Ursinus, supra humanum modum ad rapiendam episcopatus sedem ardentes, scissis studiis asperrime conflictabantur, adusque morris vulnerumque discrimina progressis. ...Constat in basilica ubi ritus christiani conventiculum uno die centum triginta septem reperta cadavera peremptorum." Amm. Marc. xxvii. 3, 13. "But we can say that he used his success well, and that the chair of St. Peter was never more respected nor more vigorous than during his bishopric." Mr. Moberly in Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 782. Jerome calls him (Ep. Hier. xlviii. 230) "an illustrious man, virgin doctor of the virgin church."
But not his least claim to our regard is that in the Catacombs it was his "labour of love to rediscover the tombs which had been blocked up for concealment under Diocletian, to remove the earth, widen the passages, adorn the sepulchral chambers with marble, and support the friable tufa walls with arches of brick and stone." "Roma Sotterranea," Northcote and Brownlow, p. 97.
(113 )Galatai = Keltoi, the older name, which exists in Herodotus II. 33 and IV. 49. Pausanias (I. iii. 5) says oye de pote autouj kaleisqai Galataj ecenikhse, Keltoi gar kata te sfaj to arxaion kai para toij alloij wnomazonto. Galatia occurs on the Monumentum Ancyranum. Bp. Lightfoot (Galat. p. 3) says the first instance of Gallia (Galli) which he has found in any Greek writer is in Epictetus II. 20, 17.
(114 )In Sozomen, Valerius, Bishop of Aquileia. "But little is known of his life, but under his rule there grew up at Aquileia the society of remarkable persons of whom Hieronymus became the most famous." Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 1102.
(115 )xarakthr: contrast the statement in Heb. i. 3, that the Son is the xarakthr of the person of the Father. xarakthr in the letter of Damasus approaches more nearly our use of "character" as meaning distinctive qualities. cf. Plato Phaed. 26 B.
(119 )Ath. Ap. de fug. §26 and Hist. Ar. §28. The question of suneisaktai was one of the great scandals and difficulties of the early Church. Some suppose that the case of Leontius was the cause of the first Canon of the Nicene Council peri twn tolmwntwn eautauj ektemnein.
Theodoretus (iv. 12) relates an instance of what was considered conjugal chastity, and the mischiefs referred to in the text arose from the rash attempt to imitate such continence. Vide Suicer in voc.
(120 )Flavianus was a noble native of Antioch, and was afterwards (381-404) bishop of that see. Diodorus in later times (c. 379) became bishop of Tarsus, "one of the most deservedly venerated names in the Eastern church for learning, sanctity, courage in withstanding heresy, and zeal in the defence of the truth. Diodorus has a still greater claim on the grateful remembrances of the whole church, as, if not the founder, the chief promoter of the rational school of scriptural interpretation, of which his disciples, Chrysostom and Theodorus of Mopsuestia, and Theodoret, were such distinguished representatives." Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 836. On the renewed championship of the Antiochene church by Flavianus and Diodorus under the persecution of Valens vide iv. 22.
Socrates (vi. 8), describing the rivalry of the Homoousians and Arians in singing partizan hymns antiphonally in the streets of Antioch in the days of Arcadius, traces the mode of chanting to the great Ignatius, who once in a Vision heard angels so praising God.
But, remarks Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers Pt. 2. I. p. 31.) "Antiphonal singing did not need to be suggested by a heavenly Vision. It existed already among the heathen in the arrangements of the Greek Chorus. It was practised with much elaboration of detail in the Psalmody of the Jews, as appears from the account which is given of the Egyptian Therapeutes. Its introduction into the Christian Church therefore was a matter of course almost from the beginning: and when we read in Pliny (Ep. x. 97) that the Christians of Bithynia sang hymns to Christ as to a god, `alternately0' (secure invicem) we may reasonably infer that the practice of antiphonal singing prevailed far beyond the limits of the church of Antioch, even in the time of Ignatius himself."
Augustine (Conf. ix. 7) states that the fashion of singing "secundum morem orientalium partium" was introduced into the Church of Milan at the time of the persecution of Ambrose by Justina, "ne populus moeroris toedio contabesceret," and thence spread all over the globe.
Platina attributes the introduction of antiphons at Rome to Pope Damasus.
Hooker (ii. 166) quotes the older authority of "the Prophet Esay," in the vision where the seraphim cried to one another in what Bp. Mant calls "the alternate hymn."
(122 )epieikeiaj. "The mere existence of such a word as epieikeia is itself a signal evidence of the high development of ethics among the Greeks. It expresses exactly that moderation which recognizes the impossibility, cleaving to formal law, of anticipating or providing for all cases that will emerge, and present themselves to it for decision ...It is thus more truly just than strict justice will have been; being dikaion kai beltion tinoj dikaiou, as Aristotle expresses it. Eth. Nic. V. 10. 6." Archbp. Trench's synonyms of the N.T. p. 151. The "clemency" on which Tertullus reckons in Felix is epieikeia; and in 2 Cor. x. St. Paul beseeehes by the "gentleness" or epieikeia of Christ.
(124 )Basilius, a learned physician, a Semiarian of Ancyra, was made bishop of that see on the deposition of Marcellus, in 336, and excommunicated at Sardica in 347. In 350 he was reinstated at the command of Constantius. He was again exiled under Acacian influence failed to get restitution from Jovian, and probably died in exile. (Soc. ii, 20, 26, iv, 24.) Vide also Theod. ii, 23. His works are lost. Athanasius praises him as among those who were (de Synod. 603 ed. Migne) "not far from accepting the Homousion."
Basil, Ep. 244, §9, says that he was a heretic "black who could not turn white"; but he exhibited many shades of theological colour, preserving through all vicissitudes a high personal character, and a something "more than human." Basil Ep. 212, §2. Ordained by Eulalius, he was degraded because he insisted on wearing very unclerical costume. (Soc. ii, 43.) The question of the identity of this Eustathius with the Eustathius condemned at the Council of Ancyra is discussed in the Dict. Christ. Ant. i, 709.
(126 )"Now that the Semiarians were forced to treat with their late victims on equal terms, they agreed to hold a general Council. Both parties might hope for success. If the Homoean influence was strong at Court, the Semiarians were strong in the East, and could count on some help from the Western Nicenes. But the Court was resolved to secure a decision to its own mind. As a Council of the whole Empire might have been too independent, it was divided. The Westerns were to meet at Ariminum in Italy, the Easterns at Seleucia in Isauria." "It was a fairly central spot, and easy of access from Egypt and Syria by sea, but otherwise most unsuitable. It was a mere fortress, lying in a rugged country, where the spurs of Mount Taurus reach the sea. Around it were the ever-restless marauders of Isauria." "The choice of such a place is as significant as ira Pan-Anglican synod were called to meet at the central and convenient port of Souakim."
Gwatkin "The Arian Controversy." pp. 93-96.
The Council met here a.d. 359.
(127 )He appears to have been less conspicuous for consistency in the Arian Controversy. At Tyre he is described by Sozomen and Socrates as assenting to the deposition of Athanasius but Rufinus (H. E. i. 17) tells the dramatic story of the success ful interposition of the aged and mutilated Paphnutius of the Thebaid, who took his vacillating brother by the hand, and led him to the little knot of Athanasians. Sozomen (iv. 203) represents him as deposed by Acacius for too zealous orthodoxy, and replaced by Cyril, then a Semiarian. Jerome agrees with Theodoret, and makes Cyril succeed on the death of Maximus in 350 or 351. (Chron. ann. 349.)
(128 )Sozomen and Socrates are less favourable to his orthodoxy. In his favour see the synodical letter written by the bishops assembled at Constantinople after the Council in 381, and addressed to Pope Damasus, which is given in the Vth book of our author, Chapter 9. He was engaged in a petty controversy with Acacius on the precedence of the sees of Caesarea and Aelia (Jerusalem), and in 357 deposed. On appeal to the Council of Seleucia he was reinstated, but again deposed by Constantius, partly on the pretended charge of dealing improperly with a robe given by Constantine to Macarius, which Theodoret records later (Chap. xiii.) Restored by Julian he was left in peace under Jovian and Valentinian, exiled by Valens, and restored by Theodosius. He died in 386, and left Catechetical lectures, a Homily, and an Epistle, of which the authenticity has been successfully defended, and which vindicate rather his orthodoxy than his ability. cf. Canon Venables. Dict. Ch. Biog. s. v.
(129 )i.e., Eustathius of Sebasteia, and Basilius of Ancyra (vide note on p. 86). Silvanus of Tarsus was one of the Semiarians of high character. For his kindly entertainment of Cyril of Jerusalem vide page 87. Tillemont places his death in 363.
Eleusius of Cyzicus was also a Semiarian of the better type (cf. Hil. de Syn. p. 133). The evil genius of his life was Macedorius of Constantinople, by whose influence he was made bishop of Cyzicus in 356. Here with equal zeal he destroyed pagan temples and a Novatian church, and this was remembered against him when he attempted to return to his see on the accession of Julian At Nicomedia in 366 he was moved by the threats of Valens to declare himself an Arian and then in remorse resigned his see, but his flock refused to let him go, Socr. iv. 6.
(130 )Seras, or Serras, had been an Arian leader in Libya. In 356 Serras, together with Secundus, deposed bishop of Ptole mais, proposed to consecrate Aetius; he refused on the ground that they were tainted with Orthodoxy. Phil. iii. 19. In 359 he subscribed the decrees of Seleucia as bishop of Paraetonium (Al Bareton W. of Alexandria) (Epiph. Haer. lxxiii. 20). Now he is deposed (360) by the Constantinopolitan Synod. Vide Dict. Christ. Biog. s. v.
Stephanus, a Libyan bishop ordained by Secundus of Ptolemais, and concerned with him in the murder of the Presbyter Secundus, as described by Athan. in Hist. Ar. §65 cf. Ath. de Syn. §12.
Heliodorus was Arian bishop of Apollonia or Sozysa (Shahfah) in Libya Prima. cf. LeQuien Or. Ch. ii. 617.
Theophilus, previously bishop of Eleutheropolis in Palestine, was translated, against his vow of fidelity to that see, (Soz. iv. 24) to Castabala in Cilicia. On the place Vide Bp. Lightfoot. Ap. Fathers Pt. ii. Vol. III. 136.
(132 )On the picturesque word upouloj cf. Hipp: XXI, 32; Plat: Gorg. 518 E. and the well-known passage in the Oed: Tyrannus (1396) where Oedipus speaks of the promise of his youth as "a fair outside all fraught with ills below."
(133 )Now Nisibin, an important city of Mesopotamia on the Mygdonius (Hulai). Its name was changed under the Macedonian dynasty to Antiochia Mygdonica. Frequently taken and retaken it was ultimately ceded by Jovian to Sapor a.d. 363.
(135 )Born in the city of which he was afterwards bishop, Jacobus early acquired fame by his ascetic austerity. While on a journey into Persia with the object at once of confirming his own faith and that of the Christian sufferers under the persecution of Sapor II, he was supposed to work wonders, of which the following, related by Theodoretus, is a specimen. Once upon a time he saw a Persian judge delivering an unjust sentence. Now a huge stone happening to be lying close by, he ordered it to be crushed and broken into pieces, and so proved the injustice of the sentence. The stone was instantly divided into innumerable fragments, the spectators were panic-stricken, and the judge in terror revoked his sentence and delivered a righteous judgment. On the see of his native city falling vacant Jacobus was made bishop. The "Religious History" describes him as signalling his episcopate by the miracle attributed by Gregory of Nyssa in Gregory the Wonder-Worker, and by Sozomen (vii. 27) to Epiphanius. As in the "Nuremberg Chronicle," the same woodcut serves for Thales, Nehemiah, and Dante, so a popular miracle was indiscriminately assigned to saint after saint. "Once upon a time he came to a certain village, - the spot I cannot name, - and up come some beggars putting down one of their number before him as though dead, and begging him to supply some necessaries for the funeral. Jacobus granted their petition, and on behalf of the apparently dead man began to pray to God to forgive him the sins of his lifetime and grant him a place in the company of the just. Even while he was speaking, away flew the soul of the man who had up to this moment shammed death, and coverings were provided for the corpse. The holy man proceeded on his journey. and the inventors of this play told their recumbent companion to get up. But now they saw that he did not hear, that the pretence had become a reality, and that what a moment ago was a live man's mask was now a dead man's face. So they overtake the great Jacobus, bow down before him, roll at his feet and declare that they would not have played their impudent trick but for their poverty, and implored him to forgive them and restore the dead man's soul. So Jacobus in imitation of the philanthropy of the Lord granted their prayer, exhibited his wonder working power, and through his prayer restored the lite which his power hail taken away."
At Nicaea Theodoret describes Jacobus as a "champion" of the orthodox "phalanx." (Relig. Hist. 1114.) At the state dinner given by Constantine to the Nicene Fathers, "James of Nisibis (so ran the Eastern tale - Biblioth. Pat. clv.) saw angels standing round the Emperor, and underneath his purple robe discovered a sackcloth garment. Constantine, in return, saw angels ministering to James, placed his seat above the other bishops, and said: `There are three pillars of the world, Antony in Egypt, Nicolas of Myra, James in Assyria.0'" Stanley, Eastern Church, Lect. V.
(136 )Ammianus Marcellinus 23. 4. 10. thus describes the "9Elepolij mhxanh." "An enormous testudo is strengthened by long planks and fitted with iron bolts. This is covered with hides and fresh wicker-work. Its upper parts are smeared with mud as a protection against fire and missiles. To its front are fastened three-pronged spear points made exceedingly sharp, and steadied by iron weights, like the thunderbolts of painters anti potters. Thus whenever it was directed against anything these stings were shot out to destroy. The huge mass was moved on wheels and ropes from within by a considerable body of troops, and advanced with a mighty impulse against the weaker part of a town wall. Then unless the defenders prevailed against it the walls were beaten in and a wide breach made."
(138 )According to Sozomen, Sebaste; but Socrates (II. 44) makes him bishop of the Syrian Beroea Gregory of Nyssa (Orat: In Fun Mag: Meletii) puts on record "the sweet calm look the radiant smile, the kind hand seconding the kind voice"
(139 )On Acacius ot Caesarea vide note on page 70. At the Synod of Seleucia in 359 he started the party of the Homoeans, and was deposed. In the reign of Jovian they inclined to Orthodoxy; in that of Valens to Arianism (cf. Soc. iv. 2). Acacius was a benefactor to the Public Library of Caesarea (Hieron. Ep. ad Marcellam (141). Baronius places his death in 366.
(140 )Tria ta nooumena,wseni de dialegomeqa "Tria sunt quae intelliguntur, sed tanquam unum alloquimur." The narrative of Sozomen (iv. 28) enables us to supply what Theodoret infelicitously omits. It was when an Arian archdeacon rudely put his hand over the bishop's mouth that Meletius indicated the orthodox doctrine by his fingers. When the archdeacon at his wits' end uncovered the mouth and seized the hand of the confessor, "with a loud voice he the more clearly proclaimed his doctrine."
(141 )The Euripus, the narrow channel between Euboea and the mainland, changes its current during eleven days in each month, eleven to fourteen times a day cf. Arist. Eth. N. ix. 6.3. "metarrei wsper Euripoj."
(145 )Constantius died at Mopsucrene, on the Cydnus, according to Socrates and the Chron. Alex., on Nov. 3, 361. Socrates (ii. 47) ascribes his illness to chagrin at the successes of Julian, and says that he died in the 46th year of his age and 39th of his reign, having for thirteen years been associated iu he empire with his Father. Ammianus (xxi. 15, 2) writes, "Venit Tarsum, ubi leviore febri contactus, ratusque itinerario motu imminutae valetudinis excuti posse discrimen, petiit per vias difficiles Mopsucrenas, Cillciae ultimam hinc pergentibus stationem, sub Tauri montis radicibus positam: egredique sequuto die conatus, invalenti morbi gravitate detentus est: paulatimque urente calore nimio venas, ut ne tangi quidem corpus eius posset in modum foculi fervens, cum usus deficeret medelarum, ultimum spirans deflebat exitium; mentisque sensu tum etiam integro, successorem suae potestatis statuisse dicitur Julianum. Deinde anhelitu iam pulsatus letali conticuit diuque cum anima colluctatus iam discessura, abiit e vita III. Non. Octobrium, (i.e. Oct. 5 - a different date from that given by others) imperii vitaeque anno quadragesimo et mensibus paucis." His Father having died in 337, Constantius really reigned 24 years alone, and if we include the 13 years which Socrates reckons in the lifetime of Constantine, we only reach 37. He was born on Aug. 6, 317, and was therefore a little over 44 at his death.
"Constantius was essentially a little man, in whom his father's vices took a meaner form." "The peculiar repulsiveness of Constantius is not due to any flagrant personal vice, but to the combination of cold-blooded treachery with the utter want of any inner nobleness of character. Yet he was a pious emperor, too, in his way. He loved the ecclesiastical game, and was easily won over to the Eusebian side."
Gwatkin. "The Arian Controversy." p. 63.
(1 )On the murder of the Princes of the blood Gallus was first sent alone to Tralles or Ephesus, (Soc. iii. 1,) and afterwards spent some time with his brother Julian in Cappadocia in retirement, but with a suitable establishment. On their relationship to Constantius vide Pedigree in the prolegomena.
(2 )The massacre "involved the two uncles of Constantius, seven of his cousins, of whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were the most illustrious, the patrician Optatus, who had married a sister of the late Emperor, and the praefect Abcavius." "If it were necessary to aggravate the horrors of this bloody scene we might add that Constantius himself had espoused the daughter of his uncle Julius, and that he had bestowed his sister in marriage on his cousin Hannibalianus." "Of so numerous a family Gallus and Julian alone, the two youngest children of Julius Constantius, were saved from the hands of the assassins, till their rage, satiated with slaughter, had in some measure subsided." Gibbon, Chap. xviii. Theodoretus follows the opinion of Athanasius and Julian in ascribing the main guilt to Constantius, but, as Gibbon points out, Eutropius and the Victors "use the very qualifying expressions;" "sinente potius quam jubente;" "incertum quo suasore;" and "vl militum." Gregory of Nazianzus (Or. iv. 21) ascribes the preservation of both Julian and his brother Gallus to the clemency and protection of Constantius.
(3 )Tertullian (De Praesc. 41) is the earliest authority for the office of Anagnostes, Lector, or Reader, as a distinct order in the Church. Henceforward it appears as one of the minor orders, and is frequently referred to by Cyprian (Epp. 29. 38, etc.). By one of Justinian's novels it was directed that no one should be ordained Reader before the age of eighteen, but previously young boys were admitted to the office, at the instance of their parents, as introductory to the higher functions of the sacred ministry. Dict. Christ. Ant. 1. 80.
(4 )Sozomen (v. 2) tells us that when the princes were building a chapel for the martyr Mamas, the work of Gallus stood, but that of Julian tumbled down. A more famous instance of the care of Gallus for the christian dead is the story of the translation of the remains of the martyr Babylas from Antioch to Daphne, referred to by our author (iii. 6) as well as by Sozomen v. 19, and by Rufinus x. 35. cf. Bishop Lightfoot, Ap. Fathers II. i. 42.
(5 )Gallus was made Caesar by the childless Constantius in 350, in about his 25th year. "Fuit" says Am. Marcellinus (xiv. II. 28) "forma conspicuus bona, decente filo corporis, membrorumque recta compage, flavo capillo et molli, barba licet recens emergente lanugine tenera." His government at Antioch was not successful, and at the instigation of the Eunuch Eusebius he was executed in 354 at Pola, a town already infamous for the murder of Crispus.
(7 )The accession of Julian was made known in Alexandria at the end of Nov. 361, and the Pagans at once rose against George, imprisoned him, and at last on Dec. 24, brutally beat and kicked him to death. The Arians appointed a successor-Lucius, but on Feb. 22 Athanasius once more appeared among his faithful flock, and lost no time in getting a Council for the settlement of several moot points of discipline and doctrine, which Theodoret proceeds to enumerate.
(9 )Valesius supposes Hilary of Poictiers to be mentioned here, though he recognises the difficulty of the "o ek thj 'Italiaj," and would alter the text t meet it. Possibly this is the Hilary who is said to have been bishop of Pavia from 358 to 376, and may be the "Sanctus Hilarius" of Aug. Cont. duas Epist. Pelag iv. 4. 7. cf. article Ambrosiaster in Dict. Christ. Biog.
(10 )cf. p. 76, note. Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, had first been relegated in 355 to Eleutheropolis, (a town of the 3d C., in Palestine, about 20 m. west of Jerusalem) whence he wrote the controversial pamphlets still extant. He vigorously abused Constantius, to whom he paid the compliment of sending a copy of his work. The emperor appears to have retorted by having him removed to the Thebaid, whence he returned in 361.
(12 )The raison d'etre of the Luciferians as a distinct party was their unwillingness to accept communion with men who had ever lapsed into Arianism. Jerome gives 371 as the date of Lucifer's death. "To what extent he was an actual schismatic remains obscure." St. Ambrose remarks that "he had separated himself from our communion," (de excessu Satyri 1127, 47) and St. Augustine that "he fell into the darkness of schism, having lost the light of charity." (Ep. 185 n. 47.) But there is no mention of any separation other than Lucifer's own repulsion of so many ecclesiastics; and Jerome in his dialogue against the Luciferians (§20) calls him "beatus and bonus pastor." J. Ll. Davies in Dict. Christ. Biog. s. v.
(13 )Corybantes, the name of the priests of Cybele, whose religious service consisted in noisy music and wild armed dances, is a word of uncertain origin. The chief seat of their rites was Pessinus in Galatia.
(15 )Sebaste was a name given to Samaria by Herod the Great in honour of Augustus. cf. Rufinus H. E. xi. 28 and Theophanes, Chronographia i. 117. Theodoretus claims to have obtained some of the relics of the Baptist for his own church at Cyrus (Relig. Hist. 1245). On the development of the tradition of the relics, cf. Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 883. A magnificent church was built by Theodosius (Soz. vii. 21 and 24) in a suburb of Constantinople, to enshrine a head discovered by some unsound monks. The church is said by Sozomen (vii. 24) to be "at the seventh milestone," on the road out of Constantinople, and the place to be called Hebdomon or "seventh." I am indebted to the Rev. H. F. Tozer for the suggestion that Hebdomon was a promontory on the Propontis, to the west of the extreme part of the city, where the Cyclobion was, and where the Seven Towers now are; and that the Seven Towers being about six Roman miles from the Seraglio Point, which is the apex of the triangle formed by the city, the phrase at the seventh milestone is thus accounted for. Bones alleged to be parts of the scull are still shewn at Amiens. The same emperor built a church for the body on the site of the Serapeum at Alexandria.
(19 )Valesius (note on Soz. v. 10) would distinguish this Marcus of Arethusa from the Arian Marcus of Arethusa, author of the creed of Sirmium (Soc. H. E. ii. 30), apparently on insufficient grounds (Dict. Christ. Biog. s. v.). Arethusa was a town not far from the source of the Orontes.
(24 )The crowning outrage which moved Julian to put out the edict of exile was the baptism by the bishop of some pagan ladies. The letter of Julian (Ep. p. 187) fixed Dec. 1st, 362, as the limit of Athanasius' permission to stay in Egypt, but it was on Oct. 23d (Fest. Ind.) that the order was communicatedto him.
(25 )The story may be compared with that of Napoleon on the return from Elba in Feb. 1815, when on being hailed by some passing craft with an enquiry as to the emperor's health, he is said to have himself taken the speaking trumpet and replied "Quite well."
(27 )Babylas, bishop of Antioch from 238 to 251, was martyred in the Decian persecution either by death in prison (Euseb. H. E. vi. 39 meta thn omologian en desmwthriw metallacantoj) or by violence. (Chrys. des. B.c. gentes) "Babylas had won for himself a name by his heroic courage as bishop of Antioch. It was related of him that on one occasion when the emperor Philip, who was a Christian, had presented himself one Easter Eve at the time of prayer, he had boldly refused admission to the sovereign, till he had gone through the proper discipline of a penitent for some offence committed. (Eus. II. E. vi. 34.) He acted like a good shepherd, says Chrysostom, who drives away the scabby sheep, lest it should infect the flock." Bp. Lightfoot, Ap. Fathers II. i. p. 40-46.
(30 )"Gibbon seems to confuse this young man Theodorus with Theodoretus the presbyter and martyr who was put to death about this time at Antioch by the Count Julianus, the uncle of the emperor, (Soz. v. 8., Ruinart's Act. Mart. Sinc. p. 605 sq.) for he speaks in his text of `a presbyter of the name of Theodoret,0' and in his notes of `the passion of S. Theodore in the Acta Sincera of Ruinart,0'" Bp. Lightfoot. p. 43.
(31 )"Gibbon says, `During the night which terminated this indiscreet procession, the temple of Daphne was in flames,0' and later writers have blindly followed him. He does not give any authority, but obviously he is copying Tillemont H. E. iii. p. 407 `en mesme temps que l'on portant dans la ville la châsse du Saint Martyr, c'est àdire la nuit suivante.0' The only passage which Tillemont quotes is Ammianus, (xxii. 13) `eodem tempore die xi. Kal. Nov.,0' which does not bear him out. On the contrary the historians generally (cf. Soz. v. 20, Theod. iii. 7) place the persecutions which followed on the processions, and which must have occupied some time, before the burning of the temple." Bp. Lightfoot.
(32 )newkorouj. newkoroj is the word rendered "worshipper" in Acts xix. 35 by A. V. The R.V. has correctly "temple-keeper," the old derivation from korew = sweep, being no doubt less probable than the reference of the latter part of the word to a root KOR = KOL, found in colo, curo.
(33 )thj twn sithresiwn afairesewj. This deprivation is not further referred to in the text. Philostorgius (vii. 4) says "He distributed the allowance of the churches among the ministers of the daemons," cf. Soz. v. 5. The restitution is recorded in Theod. iv. 4. The sitometrion of St. Luke xii. 42. (cf. thn trofhn in Matt. xxiv. 45) is analogous to the sithresia of the text. Vide Suicer s. v.
(34 )By the constitution of Constantine the two great ministers of finance were (i) the Comes sacrarum largitionum, treasurer and paymaster of the public staff of the Empire; (ii) Comes rei privatoe, who managed the privy purse and kept the liber beneficionum, an account of privileges granted by the emperor. cf. Dict. Christ. Ant. i. p. 634.
(35 )Trapeza is the word commonly employed by the Greek Fathers and in Greek Liturgies to designate the Lord's Table. Qusiasthrion is used by Eusebius H. E. x. 4, for the Altar of the Church of Tyre, but the earlier qusiasthrion of Ignatius (Philad. iv.) does not appear to mean the Lord's Table. cf. Bp. Lightfoot Ap. Fathers. pt. II. ii. p. 258.
(41 )Song of the Three Children, v. 8, quoted not quite exactly from the Septuagint, which runs pareowkaj hmaj ...basilei adikw kai ponhrotatw para pasan thn ghn. The text is, paredwkaj hmaj basilei paranomw apostath para panta ta eqnh ta onta epi thj ghj.
(43 )Valentinianus, a native of Cibalis (on the Save) in Pannonia (Bosnia) was elected Feb. 26, 364, and reigned till Nov. 17, 375. Though a Christian, he was tolerant of paganism, or the peasant's religion, as in his reign heathenism began to be named (Codex Theod. xvi. ii. 18). The "shortly after" of the text means some two years.
(44 )"The original mode of making the sign of the Cross was with the thumb of the right hand, generally on the forehead only, or on other objects, once or thrice. (Chrysost. Hom. ad pop. Art. xl.) `Thrice he made the sign of the cross on the chalice with his finger.0' (Sophron. in Prat. Spirit.)" Dict. Christ. Ant. s. v.
(45 )By the Constitution of Constantine the supreme military command was given to a "Magister equitum" and a "Magister peditum." Under them were a number of "Duces" and "Comites," Dukes and Counts, with territorial titles.
(51 )Bp. Wordsworth (Dict. Chris. Biog. iii, 500) is in favour of the letter (Ep. 24, Ed. Didot 350) in which Julian desires the prayers of the Creator and professes a wish to rebuild and inhabit Jerusalem with them after his return from the Persian war and there give glory to the Supreme Being. It is addressed to his "brother Julus, the very venerable patriarch."
(53 )"The curious statement that crosses were imprinted on the bodies anti clothes of persons present, is illustrated in the original edition of Newman's Essay (clxxxii.)" (i.e. on ecclesiastical miracles) "by some parallel instances quoted by Warburton from Casaubon and from Boyle. Such crosses, or cross-like impressions, are said to have followed not only a thunderstorm, but also an eruption of Vesuvius these crosses were seen on linen garments, as shirt sleeves, women's aprons, that had lain open to the air, and upon the exposed parts of sheets." "Chrysostom (Ed. Montfaucon, vol. v. 271, etc.) mentions `crosses imprinted upon garments,0' as a sign that had occurred in his generation, close to the mention of the Temple of Apollo that was overthrown by a thunderbolt, and separated from the wonders in Palestine that he mentions subsequently." Dr. E. A. Abbott. Philomythus, 189.
(54 )This event "came like the vision of Constantine, at a critical epoch in the world's history. It was as the heathen poet has it, a `dignus vindice nodus.0' All who were present or heard of the event at the time, thought, we may be sure, that it was a sign from God. As a miracle then it ranges beside those biblical miracles in which, at some critical moment, the forces of nature are seen to work strikingly for God's people or against their enemies. In the O. T. we have for example, the instances of the plagues of Egypt, the passage of the Red Sea and the drowning of Pharaoh's host, the crossing of the Jordan, the prolongation of sunlight" (? darkness. Vide "A misunderstood miracle" by the Rev. A. Smythe Palmer) "the destruction of Sennacherib's army; in the N. T. the stilling of the storm, and the earthquake and the darkness at the crucifixion." Bp. Wordsworth. Dict. Ch. Biog. ii. 513. To biblical instances may be added the defeat of Sisera anti the fall of Aphek. But, too, for "the forces of nature," when the Armada was scattered, or when the siege of Leyden was raised the course of modern history would have been changed. Cressy may also be cited.
On the evidence for this event as contrasted with the so-called ecclesiastical miracles, accepted and defended by the late Cardinal Newman, vide Dr. E. A. Abbott's Philomythus pp. 1 and 5 et seq. "There is better evidence for this than for any of the preceding miracles." "The real solid testimony is that of Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 1). An impartial historian, who served under Julian in the Persian campaign, and who, twenty years afterwards, recorded the interruption of the building of the Temple by terrible bails of fire." "If Ammianus had lived nearer the time of the alleged incident, or had added a statement of the evidence on which he based his stories, the details might have been defended. As it is, the circumstances, while favouring belief in his veracity do not justify us in accepting anything more than the fact that the rebuilding of the Temple was generally believed to have been stopped by some supernatural fiery manifestation." "The rebuilding was probably stopped by a violent thunderstorm or thunderstorms."
(55 )This is probably the last occasion on which the moribund oracles were consulted by any one of importance. Of Delphi, the "navel of the earth" (Strabo ix. 505) in Phocis, Cicero had written some four centuries earlier "Cur isto modo jam oracula Delphi non eduntur, non modo nostra aetate, sed jam diu, ut nihil possit esse contemptius:" Div. ii. 57. Plutarch, who died about a.d. 120, wrote already "de defectu oraculorum.
The oracle of Apollo at Delos was consulted only in the summer months, as in the winter the god was supposed to beat Patara: so Virgil (iv. 143) writes
"Qualis ubi hibernam Lyciam Xanthique fluenta
Deserit, ac Delum maternam invisit Apollo."
Dodona in Epirus was the most ancient of the oracular shrines, where the suppliant went
ek druoj uyikomoio Dioj boulhn epakousai.
Od. xiv. 327.
"The oracles" were potentially "dumb," "Apollo ...with hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving," as Milton sings, at the Nativity, but it was not till the reign of Theodosius that they were finally silenced.
(57 )These four illustrations, occurring in a single sentence indicate a certain breadth of reading on the part of the writer, and bear out his character for learning. (cf. Gibbon and Jortin, remarks on Eccl. Hist. ii. 113.) Socrates, the best of the philosophers, is set against Critias, one of the worst of the politicians of Hellas; Pythagoras, the Samian sage of Magna Graecia, against Phalaris, the Sicilian tyrant who
"tauro violenti membra Perilli
Torruit;" (Ovid. A. A. 1. 653)
but did not write the Epistles once ascribed to him. Theo-doretus probably remembered his Homer when he cited Thersites as the ugliest man of the old world; -
"He was squint-eyed, and lame of either foot;
So crook-back'd that he had no breast; sharp-headed, where did shoot
Here and there spersed, thin mossy hair.
Il. ii. 219. Chapman's Trans.
And the juxtaposition of Pythagoras and Nireus suggests that it may possibly have been Horace who suggested Nireus as the type of beauty: -
"Nec te Pythagorae fallant arcana renati,
Formaque vincas Nirea," (Hor. Epod. xv.)
though Nireus appears as kallistoj anhj in the same book of the Iliad as that in which Thersites is derided, and Theodoret is said to have known no Latin.
(60 )The word seems here used in its strictly Athenian sense of a slave who took charge of boys on their way between school and home (Vide Lycias 910. 2 and Plat. Rep. 373. C.) rather than in the more general sense of teacher. In Xen. Lac. 3. 1. it is coupled with didaskaloj: here it is contrasted with it.
(61 )"One of the most noteworthy and characteristic figures of expiring heathenism." J.R. Mozley, Dict. Christ. Biog. s. v. Born in Antioch a.d. 314, he died about the close of the century. He was a voluminous author, and wrote among other things a "vain, prolix, but curious narrative of his own life." Gibbon. The most complete account of him will be found in E. R. Siever's Das Leben des Libanius.
(62 )The form in the text (glwssokomon) is rejected by Attic purists, but is used twice by St. John, as well as in the Septuagint. In II. Chron. xxiv. 8 (cf. II. Kings xii. 9) it means a chest. In St. John's Gospel xii. 6 and xiii. 29 it is "the bag," properly (xi. 3) "box," which Judas carried. In the Palatine anthology Nicanor the coffin maker makes these "glossokoma" or coffins. Derivatively the word means "tongue-cases," i.e. cases to keep the tongues or reeds of musical instruments. An instance of similar transfer of meaning is our word "coffin;" derivatively a wicker basket; - at one time any case or cover, and in Shakespeare (Titus Andronicus Act V. 2, 189) pie crust. Perhaps "casket," which now still holds many things, may one day only hold a corpse.
(63 )In times and circumstances totally different, it may seem that Julian's courtesy and moderation contrast favourably with the fierce zeal of the Christians. A modern illustration of the temper of the Church in Julian's reign may be found in the following account given of his dragoman by the late author of "Eothen." "Religion and the literature of the Church which he served had made him a man, and a brave man too. The lives of his honored Saints were full of heroic actions provoking imitation, and since faith in a creed involves faith its ultimate triumph, Dthemetri was bold from a sense of true strength; his education too, though not very general in its character, had been carried quite far enough to justify him in pluming himself upon a very decided advantage over the great bulk of the Mahometan population, including the men in authority. With all this consciousness of religious and intellectual superiority, Dthemetri had lived for the most part in countries lying under Mussulman governments, and had witnessed (perhaps too had suffered from) their revolting cruelties; the result was that he abhorred and despised the Mussulman faith and all who clung to it. And this hate was not of the dull, dry, and inactive sort; Dthemetri was in his way a true crusader, and whenever there appeared atair open. ing in the defence of Islam, he was ready and eager to make the assault. Such feelings, backed by a consciousness of understanding the people with whom he had to do, made Dthemetri not only firm and resolute in his constant Interviews with men in authority, but sometimes also very violent and very insulting." Kinglake's "Eothen," 5th Ed., p. 270.
(64 )The emperor Julian was wounded in the neighbourhood of Symbria or Hucumbra on the Tigris on the morning of June 26th, 363, and died at midnight. On the somewhat similar stories of Apollonius of Tyana mounting a lofty rock in Asia Minor and shouting to the crowd about him `well done, Stephanus; excellent, Stephanus; smite the blood-stained wretch; thou hast struck, thou hast wounded, thou hast slain,0' at the very moment when Domitian was being murdered at Rome (Dion Cass, 67. 18); and of Irenaeus at Rome hearing a voice as of a trumpet at the exact hour when Polycarp suffered at Smyrna proclaiming `Polycarp has been martyred0' (Vid. Ep. Smyrn.). Bp. Lightfoot (Apostolic Fathers 1. 455) writes "The analogies of authenticated records of apparitions seen and voices heard at a distance at the moment of death have been too frequent in all ages to allow us to dismiss the story at once as a pure fiction." Such narratives at all events testify to a wide-spread belief.
(67 )The exclamation was differently reported. Sozomen vi. 2. says that some thought he lifted his hand to chicle the sun for failing to help him. It has been observed that the sound of nenikhkaj Galilaie and hpathkaj hlie would not be so dissimilar in Greek as in English. Ammianus Marcellinus (xxv. 3-9.) says that he lost all hope of recovery when he heard that the place where he lay was called Phrygia, for in Phrygia he had been told that he would die. So it befell with Cambyses at Ecbatana (Her. iii. 64), Alexander King of Epirus at the Acheron (Livy viii. 24) and Henry IV in the Jerusalem Chamber, when he asked "Doth any name particular belong unto this lodging where I first did swoon?" and on hearing that the chamber was called Jerusalem, remembered the old prediction that in Jerusalem he must die, and died.
(69 )hpatoskopia, or "inspection of the liver," was a recognized form of divination. cf. the Sept. of Ez. xxi. 21. "kai eperwthsai en toij gluptoij, kai hpatoskophsasqai" and Cic. de div. ii. 13. "Caput jecoris ex omni parte diligentissime considerant; si vero id non est inventum, nihil putant accidere potuisse tristius." Vide also Aesch. Pr. V. 503, and Paley's note.
(70 )"The residence of Julian at Antioch was a disappointment to himself, and disagreeable to almost all the inhabitants." "He had anticipated much more devotion on the part of the pagans, and much less force and resistance on that of the Christians than he discovered in reality. He was disgusted at finding that both parties regretted the previous reign. `Neither the Chi nor the Kappa0' (that is neither Christ nor Constantius) `did our city any harm0' became a common saying (Misopogon p. 357). To the heathens themselves the enthusiastic form of religion to which Julian was devoted was little more than an unpleasant and somewhat vulgar anachronism. His cynic asceticism and dislike of the theatre and the circus was unpopular in a city particularly addicted to public spectacles. His superstition was equally unpalatable. The short, untidy, long-bearded man, marching pompously in procession on the tips of his toes, and swaying his shoulders from side to side, surrounded by a crowd of abandoned characters, such as formed the regular attendants upon many heathen festivals, appeared seriously to compromise the dignity of the empire. (Ammianus xxii. 14. 3. His words `stipatus mulierculis0' etc. go far to justify Gregory's dhmosia taij pornaij proupine in Orat. v. 22. p. 161, and Chrysostom's more highly coloured description of the same sort of scene, for the accuracy of which he appeals to an eye witness still living, de S. Babyla in Fulianum §14. p. 667. The blood of countless victims flowed everywhere, but, to all appearance, served merely to gorge his foreign soldiery, especially the semi-barbarous Gauls, and the streets of Antioch were disturbed by their revels and by drunken parties carrying one another home to their barracks. (Amm. xxii. 12. 6.)" "More secret rumours were spread of horrid nocturnal sacrifices, and of the pursuits of those arts of necromancy from which the natural heathen conscience shrank only less than the Christians." "He discharged his spleen upon the general body of the citizens of Antioch by writing one of the most remarkable satires that has ever been published which he entitled the Misopogon. `He had been insulted,0' says Gibbon, `by satire and libels; in his turn he composed under the title of The Enemy of the Beard, an ironical confession of his own faults, and a severe satire on the licentious and effeminate manners of Antioch. The imperial reply was publicly exposed before the gates of the palace, and the Misopogon still remains a singular monument of the resentment, the wit, the inhumanity, and the indiscretion of Julian. Gibbon, Chap. xxiv.0' It is of course Julian's own philosophic beard that gives the title to the pamphlet." "This pamphlet was written in the seventh month of his sojourn at Antioch, probably the latter half of January." (1. c. 364.) Bp. J. Wordsworth in Dict. Ch. Biog. iii. 507., 509.
(2 )Jovianus, son of Count Varronianus of Singidunum (Belgrade), was born in 330 or 331 and reigned from June 363 to February 364. His hasty acceptance by a part of the army may have been due to the mistake of the sound of "Jovianus Augustus" for that of "Julianus Augustus" and a belief that Julian survived. "Gentilitate enim prope perciti nominis, quod una littera discernebat, Julianum recreatum arbitrati sunt deduci magnis favoribus, ut solebat." Amm. xxv. v. 6.
"Jovian was a brilliant colonel of the guards. In all the army there was not a goodlier person than he. Julian's purple was too small for his gigantic limbs. But that stately form was animated by a spirit of Cowardly selfishness. Jovian was also a decided Christian," but "even the heathen soldiers condemned his low amours and vulgar tippling." Gwatkin, "Arian Controversy," 119.
(3 )The terms were in fact humiliating, "pacem cum Sapore necessariam quidem sed ignobilem fecit; multatus finibus, ac nonnulla imperii Romani parte tradita: quod ante eum annis mille centum et duobus de viginti fere ex quo Romanum imperium conditum erat, nunquam accidit." Eut. brev x. 17.
(4 )"Gibbon (Chap. xxv) sneers at Athanasius for assuring Jovian `that his orthodox faith would be rewarded with a long and peaceful reign,0' and remarks that after his death this charge was omitted from some mss., referring to Valesius on the passage of Theodoret, and Jortin's Remarks, iv. p. 38. But the expression is not that of a prophet who stakes his credit on the truth of his prediction, but little more than a pious reflection, of the nature of a wish." Bp. J. Wordsworth, Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 463. n. Jortin says "the good bishop's mantikh failed him sadly; and the emperor reigned only one year, and died in the flower of his age." The note of Valesius will be found below.
(5 )Scarcely a prophecy, even if we read eceij, "you shall keep;" a bare wish if we read exoij, "may you keep." Vide preceding note. In Athanasius we find eceij. Valesius says "The latter part of this sentence is wanting in the common editions of Athanasius, and Baronius supposes it to have been added by some Arian, with the object of ridiculing Athanasius as a false prophet. As a fact the reign of Jovian was short. But I see nothing low, spurious or factitious. Athanasius is not in fault because Jovian did not live as long as he had wished."
(7 )Christianity thus appears more or less constituted in Britain more than 200 years before the mission of Augustine. But by about 208 the fame of British Christianity had reached Tertullian in Africa. The date, that of the first mention of the Church in Britain, Indicates a probable connexion of its foundation with the dispersion of the victims of the persecution of the Rhone cities. The phrase of Tertullian, "places beyond the reach of the Romans, but subdued to Christ," points to a rapid spread into the remoter parts of the island. Vide Rev. C. Hole's "Early Missions," S. P. C. K.
(9 )"Triaj is either the number Three, or a triplet of similar objects, as in the phrase kasignhtwn triaj (Rost u. Palm's Lexicon. s. v.) In this sense it is applied by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. IV. vii. 55) to the Triad of Christian graces, Faith, Hope, and Charity. As Gregory of Nazianzus says (Orat. xiii. p. 24) Triaj ou pragmatwn aniswn apariqmhsij, all' iswn kai omotimwn sullhyij. The first instance of its application to the Three Persons in the one God is in Theophilus of Antioch (Ad Autol. ii. 15)" [_. c. 185] "Similarly the word Trinitas, in its proper force, means either the number Three or a triad. It is first applied to the mystery of the Three in One by Tertullian, who says that the Church `proprie et spiritualiter ipse est spiritus, in quo est Trinitas unius divinitatis, Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus.0' De Pudicita 21." [_ c. 240] Archd. Cheetham. Dict. Christ. Biog. S. V.
(11 )At an obscure place called Dadastanae, half way between Ancyra and Nicaea, after a hearty supper he went to bed in a room newly built. The plaster was still damp, and a brazier of charcoal was brought in to warm the air. In the morning he was found dead in his bed. (Amm. xxv. 10. 12. 13.) This was in February or March, 364.
(12 )Vide page 101. "Valentinian belongs to the better class of Emperors. He was a soldier like Jovian, and held the same rank at his election. He was a decided Christian like Jovian, and, like him, free from the stain of persecution. Jovian's rough good humour was replaced in Valentinian by a violent and sometimes cruel temper, but he had a sense of duty, and was free from Jovian's vices." Gwatkin, Arian Cont. 121.
(13 )"Valens was timid, suspicious, and slow, yet not ungentle in private life. He was as uncultivated as his brother, but not interior to him in scrupulous care for his subjects. He preferred remitting taxation to fighting at the head of the legions. In both wars he is entitled to head the series of financial rather than unwarlike sovereigns whose cautious policy brought the Eastern Empire safely through the great barbarian invasions of the fifth century." Gwatkin, p. 121.
(15 )By the constitution of Constantine, beneath the governors of the twelve dioceses of the Empire were the provincial governors of 116 provinces, rectores, correctores, praesides, and consulares. Ambrosius had been appointed by Probus Consularis of Liguria and Aemilia. Probus, in giving him the appointment, was believed to have "prophested," and said "Vade; age non ut judex, sed ut episcopus." Paulinus S.
(17 )The twelve dioceses of the Empire, as constituted under Diocletian, were (1) Oxiens; (2) Pontica; (3) Asiana; (4) Thracia; (5) Moesia; (6) Pannonia; (7) Britanniae; (8) Galliae; (9) Viennensis; (10) Italiciana; (11) Hispaniae; (12) Africa.
(20 )Phrygia Pacatiana was the name given in the fourth century to the province extending from Bithynia to Pamphylia. "Cum in veterum libris non nisi duae Phrygiae occurrant, Pacatiana et salutaris, mavult Valesius h. l. scribere, kariaj frugiaj pakatianhj. Sed consentientibus in vulgata lectione omnibus libris mallem servare karafrugiaj pakatianhj, quam Pacatianam karofrugian dictam esse putaverim quod Cariae proxime adhaeresceret." Schulze.
The passage is obscure and perhaps corrupt. Schulze's note is "Nisi mendosus sit locus, quod quidem suspicabatur Camerarius, sensus tails esse videtur: `Nos quidem primis usi sumus ad extrema,0' h.e. omnia adhibuimus et tentavimus ad pacem restituendam et cohibendas vexationes, `vos vero impotentiae obsecuti estis.0' Alias interpretationes collegit suamque addidit Valesius." The note of Valesius is as follows: hic locus valde obscurus est. Et Epiphanius quidera scholasticus its eum vertit: et nos quidera subjicimur ei qui primus est et novissimus: vos autem vobismet arrogatis. Quae interpretatio, meo quidem iudicio, ferri non potest. Camerarius vero sic interpretatur nos quidem ordine a primo ad ultimum processimus tractatione nostra: ipsi vero vosmet ipsos abalienastis. At Christophersonus ita vertit: nos patientia semper a principio usque ad finem usi sumus: vos contra animi vestri impotentiae obsecuti estis ...mihi viderur verbum xrhsqai hoc loco idem significari quod communicare et commercium habere. Cujus modi est illud in Evangelio: non coütuntur Judaei Samaritanis. (Johon IV. 9.)
(25 )The turning to the East is not mentioned in the Gospel of St. Matthew or in the Apocryphal Acts of Pilate; and the Imperial Decree seems here to import a Christian practice into the pagan Procurators tribunal. Orientation was sometimes observed in Pagan temples anti the altar placed at the east end; perhaps in connexion with the ancient worship of the sun. cf. Aesch. Ag. 502; Paus. V. 23. i; Cic. Cat. iii. §43. In. Virg. Aen. viii. 68 Aeneas turns to the East when he prays to the Tiber. cf. Liv 1. 18. But praying towards the East is specially a primitive Christian custom, among the earliest authorities being Tertullian (Apol. XVI.) and Clemens Al. (Stromat. VII. 7).
(27 )"Locus densis," says Valesius, "tenebris obvolutus" ...The note of Schulze is "primum o parakeklhmenoj videtur malus genius esse (fqorimaioj daimwn postea dicitur) qui excitaverat (parekalese) episcopos ad dissentientes vexandos plane ut crudeles Judaei excitaverant Pilatum ut Christum interimerent; sic enim in superioribus Valentinianus dixerat. Porro Valent. non modo ad historiam Zachariae a Judaeis in templo interfecti alludit, sed, si quid video, etiam ad verba ea quibus utitur Paulus, Heb. x. 29 ton uion tou Qeou katapatein kai to aima thj diaqhkhj koinon hghsasqai, quare placet conjectura Valesii patein" (the reading adopted in the translation above), "ta thj diaqhkhj autou wj epi tou Zaxariou tou aimatoj, ut tota sententia sit: ne hodie sub nostro imperio increments capiatis et cum eo qui vos incitat conculcetis sanguinem foederis, fere ut Zacharioe tempore factum est a Judaeis."
(28 )It is to be observed that the imperial letter does not add the probably interpolated words "son of Barachias" which are a difficulty in Matt. xxiii. 35, and do not appear in the Codex Sinaiticus.
(29 )Here for the first time in our author we meet with the word Hypostasis to denote each distinct person. Compare note on page 36. "Origen had already described Father, Son and Holy Spirit as three upostaseij or Beings, in opposition to the Monarchians, who saw in them only three modes of manifestation of one and the same Being. And as Sabellius had used the words tria proswpa for these modes of manifestation, this form of expression naturally fell into disfavour with the Catholics. But when Arius insisted on (virtually) three different hypostases in the Holy Trinity, Catholics began to avoid applying the word hypostases to the Persons of the Godhead. To this was added a difficulty arising from the fact, that the Eastern Church used Greek as the official language of its theology, while the Western Church used Latin, a language at that time much less well provided with abstract theological terms. Disputes were caused, says Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat. xxi. p. 395), dia stenothta thj para toij 'Italoij glwtthj kai onomatwn penian. (Compare Seneca Epist. 58.) The Latins used essentia and substantia as equivalent to the Greek ousia and upostasij, but interchanged them, as we have seen in the translation of the Nicene Creed with little scruple, regarding them as synonyms. They used both expressions to describe the Divine Nature common to the Three. It followed that they looked upon the expression "Three Hypostases" as implying a division of the substance of the Deity, and therefore as Arian. They preferred to speak of "tres Personae." Athanasius also spoke of tria proswpa, and thus the words proswpa and Personae became current among the Nicene party. But about the year 360, the Neo-Nicene party, or Meletians, as they are sometimes called, became scrupulous about the use of such an expression as tria proswpa, which seemed to them to savour of Sabellianism. Thus a difference arose between the old Athanasian party and the Meletians." Archd. Cheetham in Dict. Christ. Biog. Art. "Trinity."
(33 )ec autou tou ieratikou tagmatoj. It is noticeable that the word ieratikon is used here of the clerical order generally, inclusive of lower ranks, such as the readers, singers, doorkeepers and orphans enumerated in the Apostolic Constitutions from whom deacons and presbyters were to be appointed. For illustrations of the phrases ieratikh tacij and ieratikon tagma vide Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1470. The exclusively sacrificial sense sometimes given to iereuj and sacerdos, with their correlatives, is modified by the fact that derivatively both only mean "the man concerned with the sacred." (ieroj = vigorous, divine. IS.; sacer = inviolate, holy, SAK, fasten; of the latter the suffix adds the idea of giver.
(37 )Is: 65. 5. The Greek of the text is oi legontej kaqaroj eimi, mh mou aptou outoj kapnoj tou qumou mou. In the Sept. the passage stand oi legontej porrw ap emou, mh eggishj moi oti kaqaroj eimi, etc. The O. T. is quoted as loosely as the New.
(38 )Anthropomorphism, or the attribution to God of a human form is the frequent result of an unintelligent anthropopathism, which ascribes to God human feelings. Paganism did not rise higher than the material view. Judaism, sometimes apparently anthropomorphic, taught a Spiritual God. Tertullian uses expressions which exposed him to the charge of anthropomorphism, and the Pseudo Clementines (xvii. 2) go farther. The Audaeus of the text appears to be the first founder of anything like an anthropomorphic sect.
Dan. vi. 1 Epiphanius rendered the name euxomenoi, but they were soon generally known in Greek as euxhtai or euxitai.
(49 )Samosata, the capital of Commagene on the Euphrates, is of interest as the birthplace of Lucian (c. 120) as well as the see of this Eusebius, the valued friend of Basil and of Gregory of Nazianzus. We shall find him mentioned again v. 4.
(50 )Zeugma was on the right bank of the Euphrates, nearly opposite the ancient Apamea and Seleucia and the modern Biredjik. The name is derived from the "Zeugma" or Bridge of Boats built here by Alexander. Strabo xvi. 2. 3.
Perrha, a town of Euphratensis, is more likely to have been his see than the Perga of the commoner reading.
(58 )Charrae, now Harran, in Mesopotamia, on the point of divergence of the main caravan routes, is the Haran to which Terah travelled from Orfah. It was afterwards made famous by the defeat of the Romans in b.c. 53, when
"miserando funere Crassus,
"Assyrias Latio maculavit sanguine Carras."
Lucan. 1. 104.
(59 )Caesarea Ad Argaeum (now Kasaria) at the foot of Mount Argaeus, was made a Roman province by Tiberius a.d. 18. The progress of Valens had hitherto been successful, and the Catholic cause was endangered. Bithynia had been coerced, and the mobile Galatians had given in. "The fate of Cappadocia depended on Basil." cf. Dict. Ch. Biog. i. 289.
(62 )If this Demosthenes "is the same person with the Demosthenes who four years later held the office of vicar of Pontus we have in him one of the many examples presented by the history of the Eastern empire of the manner in which base arts raised the meanest persons to the highest dignities." Dict. Chris. Biog. s. v. But the chief cook may have been a high functionary like the chief baker at the court of the Pharaohs or the Lord High Steward at that of St. James's. Of the elevation of a menial to power many parallels may be found. Demosthenes of Pontus afterwards became a partisan of the Semi-arians and accused Basil's brother, Gregory of Nyssa, of dishonesty. Basil. Epist. 264, 385, 405.
(64 )"The discussions about the year of his death may be considered as practically closed; the Festal Index, although its chronology is sometimes faulty, confirming the date of 373, given in the Maffeian fragment. The exact day, we may believe, was Thursdays May 2, on which day of the month Athanasius is venerated in the Western Church. He had sat on the Alexandrian throne forty-six complete years. He died tranquilly in his own house." Canon Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog. S. V.
(66 )There are traces of some confusion about the saints and solitaries of this name at this period. "There were two hermits or monks of this name both of the 4th c., both living in Egypt, whose character and deeds are almost indistinguishable." "One of them is said to have been the disciple of Anthony, and the master of Evagrius." "The name of Macarius, like a double star, shines as a central light in the monkish history, and is enshrined alike in the Roman martyrologies, and in the legends of the Greek church. Macarius is a favourite saint in Russia." (Canon Fremantle, Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 774.) cf. Soc. iv. 23. In iv. 21 Soc. describes both the Macarii as banished to the island "which had not a single Christian inhabitant." Sozomen (vi. 20) has the same story.
There was an Isidorus, bishop of Cyrus in 378, mentioned by Theodoretus in his Religious History (1143), and an Isidorus, bishop of Athribis in Egypt. cf. Dict. Christ. Biog. s.v. But the Isidorus of the text appears to have been a monk.
ABCD is adopted by the R. V., and rendered in the margin "a spirit, a python." In the text it is to pneuma tou puqwnoj.
(68 )eqnikoj, "foreigner" a "gentile." Another common term for "heathen" in ecclesiastical Greek is Ellh!, but neither "Gentile" nor "Greek" expresses the required sense so well as "Heathen," which, like the cognate "Pagan," simply denotes a countryman and villager, and marks the age when Christianity was found to be mainly in towns.
(78 )o twn komhtathsiwn de largitionwn komhj. Valesius says, "thesauri principis, qui vulgo sacrae largitiones dicebantur, alii erant per singulas dioeceses quibus proeerant comites. Alii erant in comitatu una cum principe, qui comitatenses largitiones dice-bantur. His praeerat comes largitionum comitatensium."
(79 )Beyrout, between the ancient Byblus and Sidon. Near here St. George killed the dragon, according to the legend. Our patron saint's dragon does not seem to have been, as may possibly have been the case in some similar stories a surviving Saurian, but simply a materialization of some picture of George vanquishing the old dragon, the Devil.
(82 )In Coele Syria, near the sources of the Orontes, where the ruins of the temple of the sun built by Autoninus Pius are known by the modern equivalent of the older title - Baal-Bek. "the city of the sun."
(88 )The Roman "Flagellum" was a frightful instrument of torture, and is distinguished from the "scutica," or whip, and "virga," or rod. It was knotted with bones and bits of metal; and sometimes ended in a hook. Horace (Sat. 1. iii, 119) calls it "horribile."
-" unwept unsepulchred
A prize full rich for birds." (Plumptre.)
Christian sentiment is still affected by the horror felt by the Greeks at deprivation of the rites of burial which finds striking expression in the dispute between Teucer and Menelaos about the burial of Ajax.
(94 )Now Niksar, on the river Lykus, the scene of two councils; (i.) a.d. 315, when the first canon ordered every priest to forfeit his orders on marriage (Mansi ii. 539) (ii.) a.d. 350, when Eustathius of Sebaste was condemned (Mansi, iii. 291).
(96 )The word used is xeirotonia, of which it is well to trace the varying usages. These are given by the late Rev. E. Hatch (Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1501) as follows. "This word is used (a) in the N. T. Acts xiv, 24, xeirotonhsantej de autoij kat' ekklhsian presbuterouj: II. Cor. viii. 19 (of Titus) xeirotonhqeij upo twn ekklhsiwn; (b) in sub-apostolic Greek, Ignat. ad Philad. c. 10; (c) in the Clementines, Clement. Ep. ad Jacob. c. 2; (d) in the Apostolical Constitution; (e) in the Canon Law; (f) in the Civil Law. Its meaning was originally "to
(97 )i.e. about 375. elect," but it came afterwards to mean even in classical Greek, simply "to appoint to office," without itself indicating the particular mode of appointment (cf. Schomann de Comitus, p. 122). That the latter was its ordinary meaning in Hellenistic Greek, and consequently in the first ages of church history, is clear from a large number of instances; e.g. in Josephus vi. 13, 9, it is used of the appointment of David as King by God; id. xiii, 22, of the appointment of Jonathan as High Priest by Alexander; in Philo ii, 76 it is used of the appointment of Joseph as governor by Pharaoh; in Lucian, de morte Peregrini c. 41 of the appointment of ambassadors. "In Sozomen vii, 24 of the appointment of Arcadius as Augustus by Theodosius." "In later times a new connotation appears of which there is no early trace; it was used of the stretching out of the bishop's hands in the rite of imposition of hands." The writer of the above seems hardly to do justice to its early use for ordination as well as for appointment. In the Pseudo-Ig. ad. Her. c. iii, it is said of bishops ekeinoi xeirotonousi, xeiroqetousi and Bp. Lightfoot comments "while xeiroqesia is used of laying on of hands, e.g. in confirmation, xeirotonia is said of ordination, e.g. Ap. Const. viii. 27. `episkopoj upo triwn h duo episkopwn xeirotoneisqw.0' Referring originally to the election of the Clergy xeirotonia came afterwards to be applied commonly, as here, to their ordination." Theodoretus uses the word in both senses, and sometimes either will fit in with the context.
(98 )Sozomen (vi. 38) describes Lucius as remonstrating in moderate language. "Do not judge of me before you know what my creed is." Socrates (iv. 36) makes Moses charge Lucius with condemning the orthodox to exile, beasts, and burning. On Socrates Valesius annotates "Hanc narrationem de episcopo Saracenis dato et de pace cum iisdem facta, desumpsit quidera Socrates, ex Rufini lib. ii. 6." Lucius was ejected from Alexandria when the reign of Valens ended with his death in 378. Theodoretus appears to confound this Lucius with an Arian Lucius who usurped the see of Samosata. Vide chap. xviii.
(102 )Diodorus was now a presbyter. Chrysost. (Laus Diodori §4. tom. iii. p. 749) describes how the whole city assembled and were fed by his tongue flowing with milk and honey, themselves meanwhile supplying his necessities with their gifts. Valens retorted with redoubled violence, and anticipated the "noyades" of Carrier at Lyons. cf. Socrates iv. 17 and Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 529.
alma, podwkeihn, diskon, akonta, palhn.
(106 )A monk of Gindarus near Antioch (Theod. Vit. Pat. ii.) afterward envoy from the Syrian churches to Rome, and Bishop of Beroea, (Aleppo) a.d. 378. He was at Constantinople in 381, (cf. v. 8.) and is famous for his opposition to Chrysostom.
(107 )Julianus Sabas (i.e. Abba) an ascetic solitary of Osrhoëne, the district south of the modern Horton. He is the second of the saints of Theodoret's "Religious History," where we read that he lived on millet bread, which he ate once a week, and performed various miracles, which are recorded by Theodoret on the authority of Acacius.
(108 )Antonius, St. Anthony, the illustrious and illiterate ascetics friend and correspondent of Constantine (Soc. i. 13), the centre of many wild legends, was born in 250 a.d. in upper Egypt. Athanasius calls him the "founder of Asceticism." In 335 he revisited Alexandria to oppose the Arians, as narrates in the text. He died in his cell in 355, bequeathing his "hair shirt. his two woollen tunics, and his bed, among Amathas and Macarius who watched his last hours, Serapion, and Athanasius."
Vide Ath. Vit. S. Ant.
(110 )Native of Theodoret's see of Cyrus. He built himself a cell like the "Little Ease" of the Tower of London, and promoted orthodoxy by the influence of his austerities. _c. 385. cf. Tillemont, viii. 483.
(114 )Also a disciple of Marcian. For fifty years he maintained a school of ascetic philosophy. cf. Chrysost. Ep. 55. and Tillemont. ix. 304. Apparently not the same as Simeones Priscus of Relig. Hist. vi.
(119 )Relig. Hist. iv. Abbot of Mt. Coryphe nephew of Marianus. He chained his neck to his girdle that he might be compelled to violate the prerogative of his manhood (cf. Ovid. Met i. 85) and keep his eyes on the ground.
(127 )Flourished c. 309-399. Blind from the age of four, he educated himself with marvellous patience, and was placed by Athauasius at the head of the catechetical school of Alexandria. Jerome called him his teacher and seer and translated his Treatise on the Holy Spirit. Jer. de Vir. Illust. 109.
(131 )Gregorius of Nazianzus (in Cappadocia, on the Halys) was so called not as bishop of Nazianzus. He was bishop successively of Sasima, "a detestable little village," - (Carm. xi. 439-446) - and of Constantinople, and was called "Nazianzenus" because his father and namesake was bishop of that see. On his acting as bishop at Nazianzus after his withdrawal from Constantinople, vide note on page 136.
(132 )A younger brother of Basil, bishop of Caesarea, born about 335; he was bishop of Nyssa, an obscure town of Cappadocia, from 372 to 395. Their parents were Basil, an advocate and Emmelia. Petrus, the youngest of ten children, was bishop of Sebaste.
(136 )On this Valesius remarks that Valentinian was already dead (_ 375) when the Goths crossed the Danube and ravaged Thrace (376). Theodoretus should have written "Gratianus" for "Valentinianus," and "nephew" for "brother."
(138 )Gibbon (chap. xxvi) records the conduct of the war by "Trajan and Profuturus, two generals who indulged themselves in a very false and favourable opinion of their own abilities." "Anhelantes altius. sed imbelles." Amm.
The battle alluded to is presumably the doubtful one of Salices. Ammianus does not, as Gibbon supposes, imply that he had himself visited this particular battlefield, but speaks generally of carrion birds as "adsuetae illo tempore cadaveribus pasci, ut indicant nunc usque albentes ossibus campi." Amm. xxxi. 7. 16.
(142 )"On the 9th August, 378, a day long and fatally memorable in the annals of the empire, the legions of Valens moved forth from their entrenched camp under the walls of Hadrian. ople, and after a march of eight miles under the hot sun of August came in sight of the barbarian vanguard, behind which stretched the circling line of the waggons that guarded the Gothic host. The soldiers of the empire, hot, thirsty, wearied out with hours of waiting under the blaze of an August sun, and only half understanding that the negotiations were ended and the battle begun, fought at a terrible disadvantage but fought not ill. The infantry on the left wing seem even to have pushed back their enemies and penetrated to the Gothic waggons. But they were for some reason not covered as usual by a force of cavalry and they were jammed into a too narrow space of ground where they could not use their spears with effect, yet presented a terribly easy mark to the Gothic arrows. They fell in dense masses as they had stood. Then the whole weight of the enemy's attack was directed against the centre and right. When the evening began to close in, the utterly routed Roman soldiers were rushing in disorderly flight from the fatal field. The night, dark and moonless, may have protected some, but more met their death rushing blindly over a rugged and unknown country.
"Meanwhile Valens had sought shelterwith a little knot of soldiers (the two regiments of "Lancearii and Mattiarii"), who still remained unmoved amidst the surging sea of ruin. When their ranks too were broken, and when some of his bravest officers. had fallen around him, he joined the common soldiers in their headlon flight. Struck by a Gothic arrow he fell to the ground, but was carried off by some of the eunuchs and life-guardsmen who still accompanied him, to a peasant's cottage hard by. The Goths, ignorant of his rank, but eager to strip the gaily-clothed guardsmen, surrounded the cottage and attempted in vain to burst in the doors. Then mounting to the roof they tried to smoke out the imprisoned inmates, but succeeding beyond their desires, set fire to the cottage, and emperor, eunuchs, and life-guardsmen perished in the flames. Only one of the body-guard escaped, who climbed out through one of the blazing windows and fell into the hands of the barbarians. He told them when it was too late what a prize they had missed in their cruel eagerness, nothing less than the emperor of Rome.
Ecclesiastical historians for generations delighted to point the moral of the story of Valens, that he who had seduced the whole Gothic nation into the heresy of Arius, and thus caused them to suffer the punishment of everlasting fire, was himself by those very Goths burned alive on the terrible 9th of August. Thomas Hodgkin - "The Dynasty of Theodosius," page 97.
(143 )Christianity is first found among the Goths and some German tribes on the Rhine about a.d. 300, the Visigoths taking the lead, and being followed by the Ostrogoths. They were converted under Arian influences, and simply accepted an Arian creed. So Salvian writes of them with singular charity, in a passage partly quoted by Milman (Lat. Christ. I. p. 349.) "Haeretici sunt sed non scientes. Denique apud nos sunt haeretici, apud se non sunt. Nam in tantum se catholicos esse judicant ut nos ipsos titulo haereticae appellationis infament. Quod ergo illi nobis sunt, hoc nos illis. Nos eos injuriam divinae generationis facere certi sumus quod minorem patre filium dicant. Illi nos injuriosos patri existimant, quia aequales esse credamus. Veritas spud nos est. Sed illi spud se esse proesumunt. Honor Dei apud nos est, sed illi hoc arbitrantur honorem divinitatis esse quod credunt. Inofficiosi sunt; sed illis hoc est summum religionis officium. Impii sunt; sed hoc putant veram esse pietatem. Errant ergo, sed bono animo errant, non odio, sed affectu Dei, honorare se dominum atque amare credentes." (Salvianus de Gub. Dei V. p. 87.) The spirit of this good Presbyter of Marseilles of the 5th century might well have been more often followed in Christian controversy.
"Of the early Arian missionaries the Arian Records, if they ever existed, have almost entirely perished. The church was either ignorant of or disdained to preserve their memory. Ulphilas alone," - himself a semi-Arian, and accepter of the creed of Ariminum,-"the apostle of the Goths, has, as it were, forced his way into the Catholic records, in which, as in the fragments of his great work, his translation of the Scriptures into the Moeso-Gothic language, this admirable man has descended to posterity." "While in these two great divisions, the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, the nation gathering its descendants from all quarters, spread their more or less rapid conquests over Gaul, Italy, and Spain Ulphilas formed a peaceful and populous colony of shepherds and herdsmen on the pastures below Mt. Haemus. He became the primate of a simple Christian nation. For them he formed an alphabet of twenty-four letters, and completed all but the fierce books of Kings"-which he omitted, as likely to whet his wild folks' warlike passions, - "his translation of the Scriptures." Milman Lat. Christ. III. Chap. ii.
The fragments of the work of Ulphilas now extant are (1) Codex Argenteus, at Upsala. (2) Codex Catolinus. (3) Ambrosian fragments published by Mai. cf. Philost. ii. 5, Soc. ii. 41 and iv. 33.
On Eudoxius, who baptized Valens, and was "the worst of the Arians," cf. note on page 86.
(1 )Gratian was proclaimed Augustus by Valentinian in 367. (Soc. IV. 11. Soz. vi. 10.) He came to the throne on the death of Valentinian at Bregetio, Nov. 17, 375. He associated his brother Valentinian II. with him, and succeeded his uncle Valens Aug. 9, 378. On Jan. 19, 379 he nominated Theodosius Augustus.
(4 )Adopting Platonic and Pauline psychology giving body, soul and spirit (cf. I. Thess. v. 23, and Gal. v. 17) Apollinarius attributed to Christ a human body and a human soul or anima animans shared by man with brutes, but not the reasonable soul, spirit or anima rationalis. In place of this be put the Divine Logos. The Word, he said, was made Flesh not Spirit, God was manifest in the Flesh not Spirit.
(8 )Ad Orentem, now Famiah. This John was prefect at Constantinople in 381. A better known John of Apamea is an ascetic of the 5th c., fragments of whose works are among the Syriac mss. in the British Museum.
(13 )Also one of Marcian's Easter party. As well as these bishops there were present some men of high rank and position, who were earnest Christians. When all were seated, Marcian was asked to address them. "But he fethced a deep sigh and said `the God of all day by day utters his voice by means of the visible world, and in the divine scriptures discourses with us, urging on us our duties, telling us what is befitting, terrifying us by threats, winning us by promises, and all the while we get no good. Marcian turns away this good like the rest of his kind, and does not care to enjoy its blessing. What could be the use of his lifting up his voice?0'" Relig. Hist. iii. 3.
We compare the fate of Abimelech at Thebez (Judges ix. 53, and II. Sam. xi. 21) and Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, at Argos, b.c. 272. "Inter confertissimos violentissime dimicans, saxo de muris ictus occiditur." Justin. xxv. 5. The story is given at greater length by Plutarch. Vit: Pyrrh:
(20 )His father, a distinguished general in Britain and elsewhere, was treacherously slain in 376, probably because an oracle warned Valens of a successor with a name beginning "QEOD." cf. Soc. iv. 19. Soz. vi. 35. Ammian. xxix. I. 29.
(23 )Theodoret's is the sole authority for this connexion of the association of Theodosius in the Empire with a victory, and his alleged facts do not fit in with others which are better supported. Gratian, a vigorous and sensible lad of nineteen, seems to have felt that the burden was too big for his shoulders, and to have looked out for a suitable colleague. For the choice which he made, or was advised to make, he had good ground in the reputation already won by Theodosius in Britain and in the campaign of 373 against the Sarmatians and Quadi, and the elevation of the young general (born in 346, he was thirty two when Gratian declared him Augustus at Sirmium, Jan. 19, 379) was speedily vindicated. Theodoret, with his contempt for exact chronology, may have exaggerated one of the engagements of the guerrilla warfare waged by the new emperor after his accession, when he carefully avoided the error of Valens in risking all on a pitched battle. By the end of 379 he had driven the barbarians over the Balkan range. Dr. Stokes (Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 960) points out that between Aug. 9, 378, and Jan. 19, 379, there was no time for news to travel from Hadrianople to Mitrovitz, where Gratian was, for couriers to fetch Theodosius thither from remoter Spain, for Theodosius then in the winter months to organize and carry out a campaign.
(24 )"Cave credas episcopum Nazianzi his verbis designari," says Valesius; - because before 381 the great Gregory of Nazianzus had at the most first helped his father in looking after the church at Nazianzus, and on his father's death taken temporary and apparently informal charge of the see. But in the latter part of his note Valesius suggest that ta teleutaia may refer to the episcopate of Gregory at Nazianzus in his last days, after his abdication of the see of Constantinople,-"Atque hic sensus magis placet, magis enim convenire videtur verbis Theodoreti;" "Recent feeder," then, or "he who most recently fed," will mean "he who after the events at Constantinople which I am about to relate, acted as bishop of Nazianzus." Gregory left Constantinople in June 381, repaired to Nazianzus, and after finding a suitable man to occupy the see, retired to Arianzus, but was pressed to return and take a leading post in order to check Apollinariuan heretics. His health broke down, and he wished to retire. He would have voted in the election of his successor, but his opponents objected on the ground that he either was bishop of Nazianzus, or not; if he was, there was no vacancy; if he was not, he had no vote. Eulalius was chosen in 383, and Gregory spent six weary years in wanderings and troubles, and at last found in rest in 389.
(25 )It was probably in 379 that Gregory first went to Constantinople and preached in a private house which was to him a "Shiloh, where the ark rested, an Anastasia, a place of resurrection" (Orat. 42. 6). Hence the name "Anastasia" given to the famous church built on the site of the too strait house.
(27 )Gregory had been practically acting as bishop, when an intriguing party led by Peter of Alexandria tried to force Maximus, a cynic professor, who was one of Gregory's admiring hearers, on the Constantinopolitan Church. "At this time," i.e. probably in the middle of 380, and certainly before Nov. 24, when Theodosius entered the capital, "A priest from Thasco had come to Constantinople with a large sum of money to buy Proconnesian marble for a church. He too was beguiled by the specious hope held out to him. Maximus and his party thus gained the power of purchasing the service of a mob, which was as forward to attack Gregory as it had been to praise him. It was night, and the bishop was ill in bed, when Maximus with his followers went to the church to be consecrated by five suffragans who had been sent from Alexandria for the purpose. Day began to dawn while they were till preparing for the consecration. They had but half finished the tonsure of the cynic philosopher, who wore the flowing hair common to his sect, when a mob, excited by the sudden news, rushed in upon them, and drove them from the church. They retired to a flute player's shop to complete their work, and Maximus, compelled to flee from Constantinople, went to Thessalonica with the hope of gaining over Theodosius himself." Archdeacon Watkins. Dict. Christ. Biog. ii. 752.
On Gregorius of Nyssa and Petrus his brother, vide page 129. Amphilochius, vide note on page 114. Optimus, vide note on page 129. Diodorus, vide note on pages 85, 156 and 133.
(42 )This rendering seems the sense of the somewhat awkward Greek of the text, and obviates the necessity of adopting Valesius' conjecture that the "nobis" of the original Latin had been altered by a clerical error into "vobis." If we read nobis, we may translate "you shew it in no niggard measure to ourselves."
(44 )Photinus, the disciple of Marcellus of Ancyra, was condemned at the synod of Sirmium in 349. Dict. Christ. Ant. ("Sirmium, Councils of.") Sulpicius Severus writes (II. 52) "Photinus vero novam haeresim jam ante protulerat, a Sabellio quidem in unione dissentiens, sed intium Christi ex Maria praedicabat."
(52 )Gratianus made himself unpopular (i) by his excessive adiction to sport, playing the Commodus in the "Vivaria," when not even a Marcus Aurelius could have answered all the calls of the Empire. (Amm. xxxi. x. 19) and (ii) by affecting the society and customs of barbarians (Aur. Vict. xlvii. 6). The troops in Britain rose against him, gathered aid in the Low Countries, and defeated him near Paris. He fled to Lyons, where he was treacherously assassinated Aug. 25, 383. He was only twenty-four. (Soc. v. II.)
(55 )Justina, left widow by Magnentius in 353, was married to Valentinian I. (we may dismiss the story of Socrates (iv. 31) that he legalized bigamy in order to marry her in the lifetime of Severa) probably in 368. Her first conflict with Ambrose was probably in 380 at Sirmium. On the murder of Gratian in 383 Maximus for four years left the young Valentinian in possession of Italy, in deference to the pleading of Ambrose. It was during this period, at Easter, 385, that Justina ungratefully attacked the bishop and demanded a church for Arian worship.
(56 )This contest is described by Ambrose himself in letters to Valentinian and to his sister Marcellina, Epp. xx. xxi, and in the "Sermo de basilicis tradendis." On the apparent error of Gibbon in confusing the "vela" which were hung outside a building to mark it as claimed for the imperial property, with the state hangings of the emperor's seat inside, vide Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 95.
(58 )The motives here stated seem to have had little to do with the march of Maximus over the Alps. Indeed so far from enthusiasm for Ambrose and the Ambrosian view of the faith being conspicuous in the invader, he had received the bishop at Treves as envoy from Valentinina, had refused to be diverted from his purpose, and had moveover taken offence at the objection of Ambrose to communicate with the bishops who had been concerned in the first capital punishment of a heretic - i.e. Priscillian.
"He was some time in preparing for the campaign, but, when it was opened, he conducted it with vigour and decision. His troops passed up the Save Valley, defeated those of Maximus in two engagements, entered Aemona (Laybach) in triumph, and soon stood before the walls of Aquileia, behind which Maximus was sheltering himself. ...The soldiers of Theodosius poured into the city, of which the gates had been opened to them by the mutineers, and dragged off the usurper, barefooted, with tied hands, in slave's attire, to the tribunal of Theodosius and his young brother in law at the third milestone from the city. After Theodosius had in a short harangue reproached him with the evil deeds which he had wrought against the Roman Commonwealth, he handed him over to the executioner." Hodgkin, "Dynasty of Theodosius," p. 127.
(61 )Arcadius was declared Augustus early in 383 (Clinton Fast. Rome, I. p. 504). Theodosius issued his edict against the heretics in September of same year. Sozomen (7. 6) tells the story of an anonymous old man, priest of an obscure city, simple and unworldly; "this," remarks Bishop Lightfoot (Dic. Christ. Biog. i. 106), "is as unlike Amphilochius as it can possibly be."
(64 )"Botheric, the Gothic general, shut up in prison a certain scoundrel of a charioteer who had vilely insulted him. At the next races the mob of Thessalonica tumultuously demanded the charioteer's liberation and when Botheric refused rose in insurrection and slew both him and several magistrates of the City." Hodgkin 121. This was in 390.
(67 )Matt. xviii. 18. In its primary sense the binding and loosing of the Gospels is of course the binding and loosing of the great Jewish schools, i.e., prohibition and permission. The moral and spiritual binding and loosing of the scribe, to whom a key was given as a symbol of his authority to open the treasures of divine lore, has already in the time of Theodoret become the dooming or acquitting of a Janitor commanding the gate of a more material heaven.
(68 )Valesius says that this "house of salutation" according to Scaliger was the episcopal hospitium or guest quarters. His own opinion however is that it was the audience chamber or chapter-house of the church where the bishop with his presbyters received the faithful whom came to his church.
(70 )twn anaktorwn. Anaktoron in classical Greek = temple or shrine. e.g. Eur. And. 43 "Qetidoj anaktoron." Archd. Cheetham (Dict. Christ. Aut. i. 79), quoting Lobeck, says "also the innermost recess of a temple." Eusebius (Orat. ix) uses it of the great church built by Constatine at Antioch. Theodosius was already within the Church. The sacrarium was in Greek commonly to agion, or to ierateion. The 31st canon of the first Council of Braga ordains "ingredi sacrarium ad communicandum non liceat laicis nisi tantum clericis."
(71 )Valesius remarks on this "Vera quidem sunt quoe de Flaccilloe Augustoe virtutibus hic refert Theodoretus. Sed nihil pertinent ad hunc locum; nam Flacilla diu ante cladem Thessalonicensium ex hac luce migraverat, et post ejus obitum Theodosius Gallam uxorem duxerat."
Aelia Flacilla Augusta, Empress and Saint,is Plakilla in Greek historians, Placida in Philostorgius. She died at Scotumis in Thrace, Sept. 14, 385. The outbreak at Thessalonica occured in 390.
(73 )More probably the money was wanted to defray the expenses of magnificent fêtes in honour of the young Arcadius, including a liberal donation to the army. On the whole incident see Chrysostom's famous Homilies on the Statues.
(74 )The mob looted the baths, smashed the hanging lamps, attack the praetorium, insulted the imperial portrait, and tore down the bronze statues of Theodosius and his deceased wife from their pedestals, and dragged them through the streets. A "whiff" of arrows from the guard calmed the oriental Paris of the 4th century.
Valesius remarks "Longe hic fallitur Theodoretus quasi seditio Antiochena post Thessalonicensem cladem contigerit."
(80 )"Extat oratio Libanii ad imperatorem Theodosium pro temple in qua docet quomodo se gesserint imperatores Christiani erga pagamos. et Constantinum quidem Magnum ait duntaxat spoliasse templa, Constantinum vero ejus filium prohibuisse Sacrificia: ejusque legem a secutis imperatoribus at ab ipsomet Theodosio esse observatam; reliqua vera permissa fuisse paganis, id est turificationem et publicas epulas." Valesius.
(83 )kai sidhrw kai molibdw prosdedemenoi. We are reminded of the huge cramps which must at one time have bound the stones of the Colosseum, - the ruins being pitted all over by the holes made by the middle-age pillagers who tore them away.
(84 )I do not understand the description of this temple and its destruction precisely as Gibbon does. "dioruttwn" does not seem to mean "undermining the foundations"; St. Matthew and St. Luke use it of the thieves who "dig through" or "break in." The word = dig though, and so into.
(86 )In the museum at Naples is shewn part of the statue of Diana, found near the Forum at Pompeii. In the back of the head is a hole by means a tube in connexion with which, - the image standing against a wall, - the priests were supposed to deliver the oracles of the Huntress-Maid.
It is curious to note that just at this period when the pagan idols were destroyed, faint traces of image worship begin to appear in the Church. In another two centuries and a half it was becoming common, and in this particular point, Christianity relapsed into paganism. Littledale Plain Reasons, p. 47.
(87 )"A great number of plates of different metals, artificially joined together, composed the majestic figure of the deity who touched on either side of the walls of the sanctuary. Serapis was distinguished from Jupiter by the basket or bushel which was placed on his head, and by the emblematic monster which he held in his right hand; the head and body of a serpent branching into three tails, which were again terminated by the triple heads of a dog, a lion, and a wolf." Gibbon, on the authority of Macrobius Sat. i. 20.
(88 )Gibbon quotes the story of Augustus in Plin. Nat. Hist. xxxiii. 24. "Is it true," said the emperor to a veteran at whose home he supped, "that the man who gave the first of his eyes and of his life?" "I want that man," replied the clear sighted veteran, "and you now sup on one of the legs of the goddess." cf. the account in Bede of the destruction by the priest Coify of the great image of the Saxon God at the Goodmanham in Yorkshire.
(89 )"Some twenty years before the Roman armies withdrew from Britain the triumph of Christianity was completed. Then a question occurs whether archaeology casts any light on the on the discomfiture of Roman paganism in Britain. In proof of the affirmative a curious fact has been adduced, that the statues of pagan divinities discovered in Britain are always or mostly broken. At Binchester, for instance, the Roman Vinovium, not far from Durham, there was found among the remains of an important Roman building a stone statue of the goddess Flora, which its legs broken, lying face downward across a drain as a support to the masonry above. It would certainly not be wise to press archaeological facts too far; but the broken gods in Britain curiously tally with the edicts of Theodosius and the shattered Serapis at Alexandria." Hole Early Missions, p. 24.
Arbogastes, his Franklin Master of the Horse, who had instigated his murder, set up the pagan professor Eugenius to succeed him. Theodosius did not march to meet the murderer of his young brother-in-law till June, 394, and meanwhile his Empress galla died, leaving a little daughter, Galla Placidia.
(94 )"Theodosius marched north-westwards, before, up the valley of the Save, and to the city of Aemona." (Laybach.) "Not there did he meet his foes, but at a place thirty miles off, half-way between Aemona and Aquileia, where the Frigidus, (now the Wipbach, or Vipao) burst suddenly from a limestone hill. Here the battle was joined between Eugenius and his Franklin patron and Theodosius with his 20,000 Gothic foederati and the rest of the army of the East. Gainas, Saul, Bacarius, Alaric, were the chief leaders of the Teutonic troops. The first day of battle fell heavily on the foederati of Theodosius, half of whim were left dead epon the field." Hodgkin Dynasty of Theodosius, p. 131. This was Sept. 5, 394.
(95 )Here was a crucial contest between paganism and Christianity, which might seem a "nodus dignus vindice Deo." On the part played by storms in history vide note on page 103. Claudian, a pagan, was content to acknowledge the finger of providence in the rout of Eugenius, and apostrophizing Honorius, exclaims
"Te proper gelidis Aquilo de monte procellis
Obruit adversas acies, revolutaque tela
Vertit in auctores, et turbine repulit hastas.
O nimium dilecte Deo, cui fundit ad antris
Aeolus armatas hyemes; cui militat oether
Et conjurati veniunt ad classica venti."-vii.93
Augustine says he heard of the "revoluta tela" from a soldier engaged in the battle. The appearance of St. John and St. Philip finds a pagan parallel in that of the "great twin brethren" at Lake Regillus.
"So like they were, no mortal
Might one from other know:
White as snow their armour was,
Their steeds were white as snow."
According to Spanish story St. James the Great fought on a milk-white charger, waving a white flag, at the battle of Clavijo, in 939. cf. Mrs. Jameson Sacred and Legendary Art, i. 234.
Sozomen (vii. 24) relates how at the very hour of the fight, at the church which Theodosius had built near Constantinople to enshrine the head of John the Baptist (cf. note on p. 96), a demoniac insulted the saint, taunting him with having had his head cut off, and said "you conquer me and ensnare my army." On this Jortin remarks "either the devil and Sozomen, or else Theodoret, seem to have made a mistake, for the two first ascribe the victory to John the Baptist and the third to John the Evangelist." Remarks ii. 165.
(96 )Theodosius died of dropsy at Milan, Jan. 17, 395. "The character of Theodosius is one of the most perplexing in history. The church historians have hardly a word of blame for him except in the matter of the massacre of Thessalonica, and that seems to be almost atoned for in their eyes by its perpetrator's penitent submission to ecclesiastical censure. On the other hand the heathen historians, represented by Zosimus, condemn in the most unmeasured terms his insolence, his love of pleasure, his pride, and hint at the scandalous immorality of his life." "It is the fashion to call him the Great, and we may admit that he has as good a right to that title as Lewis XIV., a monarch whom in some respects he pretty closely resembles. But it seems to me that it would be safer to withhold this title from both sovereigns, and to call them not the Great, but the Magnificent." Hodgkin, Dynasty of Theodosius. 133.
The great champion of orthodoxy, he was no violent persecutor, and received at his death from a grateful paganism the official honours of apotheosis.
Honorius was established at Milan, till the approach of Alaric drove him to Ravenna. (402.)
"The only difficulty lay with Chrysostom himself and the people of Antioch. The double danger of a decided `nolo episcopari0' on Chrysostom's part, and of a public commotion when the Antiocheans heard of the intention of robbing them of their favourite preacher was overcome by stratagem. Asterius, the Comes Orientis, in accordance with instructions received from Eutropius, induced Chrysostom to accompany him to a martyr's chapel outside the city walls. There he was apprehended by the officers of the government, and conveyed to Papae, the first post station on the road to Constantinople. His remonstrances were unheeded; his enquiries met with obstinate silence. Placed in a public chariot, and hurried on under a military escort from stage to stage, the 800 miles traversed with the utmost dispatch, the future bishop reached his imperial see a closely guarded prisoner. However unwelcome the dignity thrust on him was, Chrysostom, knowing that resistance was useless, felt it more dignified to submit without further struggle."
"Chrysostom was consecrated February 26th a.d. 398, in the presence of a vast multitude assembled not only to witness the ceremony but also to listen to the inaugural sermon of one of whose eloquence they had heard so much. This `sermo enthronisticus0' is lost." Dict. Christ. Biog. s. v. "Chrysostom."
(99 )Elpidius, possibly a kind of domestic chaplain (suskhnoj) to Meletius, was afterwards a warm friend and advocate of Chrysostom. In 406 he was deposed and imprisoned for three years, and not restored till 414.
Chrysostom is here distinctly described as asserting and exercising a jurisdiction over the civil "dioeceses" of Pontica, Asia, and Thrace. But the quasi patriarchate was at this time only honorary. Only so late as at the recent council at Constantinople (381) had its bishop, previously under the metropolitan of Perinthus, been declared to rank next after the bishop of Rome, the metropolitans of Alexandria and Antioch standing next, but it was not till the Council of Chalcedon that the "dioeceses" of Pontus, Asia, and Thrace were formally subjected to the see of Constantinople.
(112 )The three great officials, Aurelianus, Saturninus, and the Count John had already surrendered themselves to the arrogant Goth, and their lives had only been spared at the entreaty of Chrysostom.
(114 )It is not clear where the mission of Chrysostom to Gainas should be placed. Gainas attacked the capital by sea and by land, but his Goths were massacred in their own church, and he was repulsed. He was finally defeated and slain in Jan. 401.
(i) The empress Eudoxia, jealous of his power;
(ii) The great ladies on whose toilettes of artifice and extravagant licentiousness he had poured his scorn; among them being Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia;
(iii) The baser clergy whom his simplicity of life shamed, notably Acacius of Beroea, whose hostility is traced by Palladius to the meagre hospitality of the archiepiscopal palace at Constantinople, when the hungry guest exclaimed "egw autw artuw xutran"-"I'll pepper a pot for him!" (Pall. 49.) and Theophilus of Alexandria, who had never forgiven his elevation to the see, and Gerontius of Nicomedia whom he had deposed.
(117 )For three days the people withstood his removal. At last he slipped out by a postern, and, when a nod would have roused rebellion, submitted to exile. But he was only deported a very little way.
(120 )Theodoret omits the second offence to Eudoxia - his invectives on the dedication of her silver statue in front of St. Sophia in Sept. 403. (Soc. vi. 18. Soz. viii. 20) "Once again Herodias runs wild; once again she dances; once again she is in a hurry to get the head of John on a charger." Or does the description of Herodias, and not Salome, as dancing, indicate that the calumnious sentence was not really uttered by Chrysostom, but said to have been uttered by informers whose knowledge of the Gospels was incomplete?
The discourse "in decollationem Baptistoe Joannis" is in Migne Vol. viii. 485, but it is generally rejected as spurious.
The circumstances of the deposition will be found in Palladius, and in Chrysostom's Ep. ad Innocent. The edict was issued June 5, 404. Cucusus (cf. p. ii. 4) is on the borders of Cilicia and Armenia Minor. Gibbon says the three years spent here were the "most glorious of his life," so great was the influence he wielded.
In the winter of 405 he was driven with other fugitives from Cucusus through fear of Isaurian banditti, and fled some 60 miles to Arabissus. Early in 406 he returned. Eudoxia was dead (_ Oct. 4. 404) but other enemies were impatient at the old man's resistance to hardship. An Edict was procured transferring the exile to Pityus, in the N.E. corner of the Black Sea (now Soukoum in Transcaucasia) but Chrysostom's strength was unequal to the cruel hardships of the journey. Some five miles from Comana in Pontus (Tokat), clothed in white robes, he expired in the chapel of the martyred bishop Basiliskus, Sept. 14. 407. Basiliskus was martyred in 312.
(121 )Atticus (Bp. of Constantinople 405-426) was forced by fear alike of the mob and the Emperor to consent to the restitution. His letters to Peter and Aedesius, deacon of Cyril of Alexandria, and Cyril's reply, (Niceph. xiv. 26-27) are interesting. Cyril "would as soon put the name of Judas on the rolls as that of Chrysostom." Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 209.
(122 )Cyril occupied the Episcopal throne of Alexandria from 412 to 444. Theodoretus could not be expected to allude to the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Britain in 401, or the release of Britoins from their allegiance by Honorius in 410. The sack of Rome by the Goths in the latter year might have however claimed a passing notice.
(126 )Theodoret here uses the word diptuxon. Other words in use were ierai, deltoi and katalogoi. The names engraved on these tablets were recited during the celebration of the Holy Eucharist. e. g. at Carthage in 411 we find it said of Caecilianus: "In ecclesia sumus in qua episcopatum gessit et diem obiit. Ejus nomen ad altare recitamus ejus memorioe communicamus tanquam memorioe fratris." (Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 561. Labbe ii. 1490.) Names were sometimes erased from unworthy motives. A survival of the use obtains in the English Church in the Prayer for the Church Militant, and more specifically in the recitation of names in the Bidding Prayer.
(127 )Theodosius II. succeeded his father May 1, 408, at the age of eight. The translation of the remains of Chrysostom took place at the beginning of 438. Theodosius died in 450, and the phrase "o nun basileuwn" thus limits the composition of the History. As however Theodoret does not continue his list of bishops of Rome after Caelestinus, who died in 440, we may conclude that the History was written in 438-439. But the mention of Isdigirdes II. in Chap. xxxviii. carries us somewhat further. Possibly the portions of the work were jotted down from time to time.
(128 )Theodosius II. had four sisters, Flaccilla, Pulcheria, Arcadia, and Marina. Pulcheria was practically empress-regnant for a considerable period. She was only two years older than her brother, but was declared Augusta and empress July 14, 414, at the age of 15 1/2. On his death In 450 she married Marcianus a general. Besides the relics of Chrysostom she translated in 446 those of the martyrs of Sebaste. Soz. ix. 2.
(129 )"ta qeia logia." This is the common phrase in our author for the Holy Scriptures. According to the interpretation given by Schleiermacher and like theologians to the title of the work of Papias, "logiwn kuriakwn echghseij" and to the passage of Eusebius (Ecc. Hist. iii. 39) in which Papias is quoted as salting that Matthew "Ebraidi dialektw ta logia sunegrayato." Pulcheria and her sisters did not study the Scriptures, but only "the divine discourses," to the exclusion of anything that was not a discourse. cf. Salmon Introduction to the N. T. 4th Ed. pp. 95, 96, and Bp. Lightfoot's Essays in reply to the anonymous author of "Supernatural Religion." cf. Rom. iii. 21, Heb. v. 12, I. Pet. iv. 11, and Clem. ad Cor. liii. "For beloved you know, aye, and well know, the sacred Scriptures, and have pored over the oracles of God."
Sapor III. 385-390
Vararanes IV. 390-399.
Isdigirdes I. 399-420.
Vararanes V. 420-440.
Isdigirdes II. 440-457.
(133 )It is interesting to find in the fifth century an instance of the sacred nomenclature with which we have familiar instances in the "San Josef" and the "Salvador del mundo" of Cape St. Vincent, and the "Santa Anna" and "Santissima Trinidad" of Trafalgar. (Southey, Life of Nelson, Chap iv. and ix.) On the north side of Sebastopol there was an earthwork called "The Twelve Apostles." (Kinglake, Crimea, Vol. iv. p. 48.) St. Thomas was the supposed founder of the church of Edessa.
(134 )This might have been written before the weaker elements in the character of Theodosius II. produced their most disastrous results. But he was not a satisfactory sovereign, nor a desirable champion of Christendom. In some respects like our Edward the Confessor and Henry VI. he had, in the words of Leo, "the heart of a priest as well as of an emperor." "He had fifteen prime ministers in twenty-five years, the last of whom, the Eunuch Chrysaphius, retained his power for the longest period. a.d. 443-450. During that time the empire was rapidly hurrying to destruction. The Vandals in Africa and the Huns under Attila in Europe were ravaging some of his fairest provinces while the emperor was attending to palace intrigues. ...Chrysaphius made him favourable to Eutyches, and thus largely contributed to the establishment of the monophysite heresy." Dr. Stokes in Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 966.
The decision of Honorius in favour of Bonifacius as against Eulalius, both elected by their respective supporters on the death of Zosimus in 418, marks an important point in the interference of temporal princes in the appointments of bishops of Rome. cf. Robertson, i. 498.
The unsoundness, i.e. the denial of the rational soul, and so of the perfect manhood of the Saviour, is discussed in Dial. I.
(141 )The second of the six supreme councillors of Ahuramazda in the scheme of Zarathustra Spitama (Zoroaster) is Ardebehesht, light or lightness of any kind and representing the omnipresence of the good power. Hence sun, moon and stars are symbols of deity and the believer is enjoined to face fire or light in his worship. Temples and altars must be fed with holy fire. In their reverence for fire orthodox Parsees abstained from smoking, but alike of old and today they would deny the charge of worshipping fire in any other sense than as an honoured symbol.
(142 )The word in the original is stoixeia&Eaxute\ on this Valesius annotates "This does not mean the four elements, for the Persian Magi did not worship the four elements but only fire and the sun and moon." In illustration of this use of the word he quotes Chrysostom. Hom. 58 in Matth.
o gar daimwn epi diabolh tou stoixeiou kai epitiqetai toij alousi, kai anihsin autouj kata touj thj selhnhj dromouj&Eaxute\ and St. Jerome Ep. ad Hedyb. 4 where he speaks of the days of the week as being described by the heathen "Idolorum et elementorum nominibus."
(147 )The edict of Diocletian against the Christians was issued on the feast of the Terminalia, Feb. 23, 303. Good Friday, here h tou swthriou paqouj hmera, was commonly known as hmera tou staurou, pasxa staurwsimou, and paraskeuh.
Tertullian speaks of its early observance as a general fast, and Eusebius confirms his testimony.
(150 )"The date of the death of Theodotus is fixed for a.d. 429 by a passage of Theodoret's letter to Dioscorus, where, when speaking of his having taught for six years under him at Antioch, he refers to his blessed and holy memory, combined with one in his history, stating that the death of Theodore of Mopsuestia took place in the episcopate of Theodotus." Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 983.
The last event referred to by Theodoretus seems to be the accession of Isdigirdes II. in 440. Vide pp. 155, 156.
(1 )eranoj - a meal to which every one contributes a share; a club feast, or pic-nic, and eranisthj is in classical Greek a contributor to such a feast. But eranizw = (a) "contribute," and (b) "beg for contributions." So eranisthj is by some rendered "beggar." The idea of Theodoretus seems rather that his worse character is a picker up of various scraps of heresy from different quarters, and this explanation of the name is borne out by his use of the cognate verb eranizomai in reference to the selection by Audaeus of some of the doctrines of Manes in Hist. iv. 9.
(5 )Cerdo, the gnostic teacher of the middle of the 2nd c., and placed by Theodoretus (Haer. Fab. i. 24) in the reign of Antoninus, a.d. 138-161, is described by the Ps. Tertullian as denying that Christ came in the substance of the flesh, but in appearance only. According to Marcion the greater follower of Cerdo, Christ was not born at all, but came down from heaven to Capernaum a.d. 29, his body being an appearance and his death an illusion. Simon Magus, the "father of all heretics" of Irenaeus (adv. Haer. pr. in lib. iii.) is apparently quoted rather as the supposed originator of Gnosticism, than from any definite knowledge of his tenets.
(6 )Valentinus (taught at Rome c. 140) the arch.gnostic is identified with the doctrine of emanation. Bardesanes (Bar Daisan), who lived some thirty years later at Edessa, was a great leader of the Syrian school of oriental dualism. For mention of his son Harmonius vide Hist. p. 129.
(8 )The reference in Schulze's edition is to Jeremiah x. 16, but here the Septuagint o plasaj ta panta does not bear out the point. The quotation is no doubt of Amos v. 8, where the LXX is o poiwn panta kai metaskeuazwn.
(15 )cf. Article ix. of the English Church. Sin is not part of man's nature, but the fault or corruption of it. If an one sense the fallen Adam is the natural man, in a higher sense Christ, the Son of man, is the natural man; i.e. in Him the manhood is seen incorrupt. cf. p. 183 and note.
The Vulgate runs "Non auferetur sceptrum de Iuda, et dux de femore eius, donec veniat qui mittendus est et ipse erit expectatio gentium."
"The ascription of the prophecy of Baruch to Jeremiah may be explained by the fact that in the lxx. Baruch was placed either before or after Lamentations, and was regarded in the early church as an appendix to, and of equal authority with, Jeremiah. It is so quoted by Irenaeus, Clemens Alexandrinus, and Tertullian."
Augustine de Civ. xviii, 33. quotes Baruch iii, 16. with the remark "Hoc testimonium quidem non Hieremoe sed Scriboe eius attribuunt qui vocabatur Baruch, sed Hieremioe celebratius habetur."
(34 )I. Tim. iii. 16. Theodoretus shews no knowledge of the reading for in this famous passage accepted by our revisers with the marginal comment "The word God in place of He who rests on no sufficient ancient evidence." Macedonius II, patriarch of Constantinople, is said to have been accused by his enemy the Emperor Anastasius of falsifying this particular passage. But if Theodoretus, who died c. 458, really wrote copies of the Epistles containing this reading must have existed some half century before the dispute between Macedonius and Anastasius. Gregory of Nyssa also uses the passage as does Theodoretus; Greg. Nyss. cont. Eun. iv. i. The accepted opinion now regards the Codex of Alexandrianus as reading oj.
(54 )This passage and a parallel passage from Dial. II. were quoted with force in the discussions of the English Reformation. Bp. Ridley on the foregoing writes (A Brief Declaration of the Lord's Supper, Parker Soc. Ed. p. 35.) "What can be more plainly said than this that this old writer saith? That although the Sacraments bear the name of the body and blood of Christ, yet is not their nature changed, but abideth still. And where is then the Papists' transubstantiation?"
i.e. "My ear hast thou dug" by "swma kathrtisw" is an old one. Did HQELHSASWTIADEKATHRTISW get altered by mistake into HQELHSASSWMADEKATHRTISW? "How the word swma came into the lxx. we cannot say; but being there it is now sanctioned for us by the citation here; not as the, or even a proper rendering of the Hebrew, but as a prophetic utterance." Alford ad loc.
(66 )I have no hesitation in translating alla here by "save," in spite of the purist prejudice which has led even the revisers of 1881 to retain something of the awkward periphrasis by which the meaning of Matt. xx. 23 and Mark x. 40. is confused in A. V., and an Arian sense given to our Lord's declaration, "To sit on my right hand and my left is not mine to give save to them for whom it is prepared." i.e. It is His to give, but not to give arbitrarily or of caprice. Liddell and Scott, Ed. 1883, recognise and illustrate this use of alla (Vide s. v. I. 3.) which in classical Greek is vindicated by such a passage as Soph. O. T. 1331. epaise d' autoxeir nin outij all' egw, and in N. T. Greek, as well as by the crucial passage in question, in Mark ix. 8. ouketi oudena eidon alla ton Ihsoun monon, "They no longer saw any one save Jesus only."
(100 )A kenh elpiso pistij would be a faith which could not possibly be realized; and mataia elpij a hope of not impossible but very improbable fulfilment. But the distinction between kenoj and mataioj is hardly borne out by their use in the text.
(114 )de Incar. Dom. Sac. vi. II. Ed. Ben. p. 716. The Latin of Ambrose, which is not exactly rendered by Theodoret, is as follows:-"Sic scriptum est, inquiunt, quia Verbum caro factum est (Ioan 1, 14). Scriptum est, non negro: sed considera quid sequatur; sequitur enim: Et habitavit in nobis, hoc est, illud Verbum quod carnem suscepit, hoc habitavit in nobis, hoc est, in carue habitavit humana.
"Miraris ergo quia scriptum est: Verbum caro factium est, cum caro assumpta sit a Dei Verbo: quando de peccato quod non habuit, scriptum est quia peccatum factus est, hoc est, non natura operationeque peccati, utpote in similitudinem carnis peccati factus: sed ut peccatum nostrum in sua carne crucifigeret, susceptionem pro nobis infirmitatum obnoxii jam corporis peccati carnalis assumpsit.
Desinant ergo dicere naturam Verbi in corporis naturam esse mutatam; ne pari interpretatione videatur natura Verbi in contagium mutata peccati Aliud est enim quod assumpsit, et aliud quod assumptum est."
(116 )"In the Eastern church till nearly the end of the fourth century we find, as has been said, the divine celebration of Christ's nativity and baptism on January 6th. The date of the severance of the two can be approximately fixed, for Chrysostom refers to it as a matter of merely a few years' standing, in a sermon probably delivered on the Christmas day of 386 a.d. How far back we are to refer the origin of this two-fold festival it is not easy to determine, the earliest mention of any kind being the allusion by Clement of Alexandria to the annual commemoration of Christ's baptism by the Basilidians (Stromata, lib. i. c. 21). At any rate by the latter part of the fourth century the Epiphany had become one of the most important and venerable festivals in the Eastern church."
Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 617.
(119 )The modern reader will not omit to note the bearing of these patristic interpretations of the scriptural statements that the word was "made" flesh and that Christ was "made" a curse on later controversies concerning Transubstantiation.
(121 )The value of Chrysostom and Severianus as independent witnesses is somewhat weakened by the fact, pointed out by Schulze, that among the writings of the former some are attributed to the latter.
(123 )Bp. Lightfoot (Ap. Fathers pt. II. ii. 290.) adopts the reacting kata qelhma kai dunamin for kata qeothta, and notes "Theodoret strangely substitutes qeothta for qelhma. This reading ...may be due to ...ignorance of the absolute use of qelhma. The Armenian translator likewise has substituted another word.
(150 )Adv. Haer. iii. 26. The allusion is to the gnostics and mainly to Valentinus and his school who imagined seven heavens, and a supercelestial space termed "Ogdoad." "The doctrine of an Ogdoad of the commencement of finite existence having been established by Valentinus, those of his followers who had been imbued with the Pythagorean philosophy introduced a modification. In that phiiosophy the tetrad was regarded with peculiar veneration, and held to be the foundation of the sensible world." Cf. Hippolytus Ref. vi. 23, p. 179 "We read there (Iren. i. xi.) of Secundus as a Valentinian who divided the Ogdoad into a right hand and a left hand tetrad, and in the case of Marcus who largely uses Pythagorean speculations about numbers the tetrad holds the highest place in the system." Dr. Salmon, Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 72. Irenaeus wrote a work, no longer extant, "on the Ogdoad." Euseb. H. E. v. 20.
(196 )e.g. Anubis, the barket Anubis - cf. Virg. Aen. viii. 698, and the common oath "by the dog," unless indeed the common adjuration of Socrates nh ton kuna may have been only a vernacular substitute for nh ton Dia, like the vulgar "law" for "Lord." The Benedictine Ed. adds "cats."
(1 )futikoj, of or belonging to futon, or plant; but though futon is opposed to cwon, it is also used of any creature, and here seems to mean no more than the soul of physical life, and nothing beyond.
(5 )Gen. xlvi. 20, lxx. In the Hebrew the number is but seventy, including Jacob himself. St. Stephen, as was natural in a Hellonized Jew follows the lxx. (Acts vii. 14.) For the number 75 there were doubtless important traditional authorities known to the lxx.
(7 )This "lost" must be qualified. The Scriptural doctrine is that the "image of God" though defaced and marred, is not lost or destroyed. After the flood the "image of God" is still quoted as against murder Gen. ix. 6. St. James urges it as a reason against cursing (iv. 9). cf. I. Cor. xi. 7. So the IXth Article declares original sin to be, not the nature, which is good, but the "fault and corruption of the nature of every man;" in short the "image of God," like the figts of God, as David in Browning's "Saul" has it, "a man may waste, desecrate, never quite lose." cf. p. 164 and note.
(67 )The metallic compound called electron is described by Strabo p. 146 as the mixed residuum, or scouring, (kaqarma) left after the first smelting of gold ore. Pliny (H. N. xxxiii. 23) describes it as containing 1 part silver to 4 gold. cf. Soph. Antig. 1038, and Herod. i. 50.
(81 )All through the argument there seems to be some confusion between the two senses of yuxh as denoting the immortal and the animal part of man, and so between the yuxikon and the pneumatikon. According to the Pauline psychology, (cf. in I. Cor. 15) the immortal and invisible could not be said to be proper to the swma yuxikon. This "natural body" is a body of death (Rom. vii. 24) and requires to be redeemed (Rom. viii. 23) and changed into the "house which is from heaven." (II. Cor. v. 2.) Something of the same confusion attaches to the common use of the word "soul" to which we find the language of Holy Scripture frequently accommodated. On the popular language of the dichotomy and the more exact trichotomy of I. Thess. v. 23 a note of Bp. Ellicott on that passage may well be consulted.
Plato.-zwon apteron, dipoun, platuwnuxon: o monon
twn ontwn episthmhj thj kata logouj
dektikon esti. Deff.
Aristotle.-politikon zwon. Pol. I. ii. 9.
"Atque hic Priamiden laniatum corpore toto
Deiphobum vidit lacerum crudeliter ora."
(131 )The quotation is not from the canonical gospels. Eusebius (iii. 36) says he does not know from what source it comes. Jerome states it to be derived from the gospel lately translated by hm, the gospel according to the Hebrews (Vir. Ill. 2) Origen ascribes the words to the "Doctrina Petri." (de Princ. Praef. 8) Bp. Lightfoot, by whom the matter is fully discussed, (Ap. Fath. pt. II. Vol. ii. p. 295) thinks that either Jerome, more suo, was forgetful, or had a different recension of the gospel to the Hebrews from that used by Origen and Eusebius, Ignatius may be quoting a verbal tradition. Bp. Lightfoot further points out that Origen (l. c.) supposes the author of the Doctrina Petri to use this epithet aswaaton not in its philosophical sense (= incorporeal) but as meaning composed of some subtle substance and without a gross body like man. Further Origen (c. Cels. V. 5) warns us that to Christians the word daemon has a special connotation, in reference to the powers that deceive and distract men.
(171 )"Offeras transfigurandum altaribus." The Benedictine Editors, by a curious anachronism, see here a reference to transubstantiation. But metapoihsij, the word translated "transformation" implies no more than the being made to undergo a change, which may be a change in dignity without involving a change of substance. cf. pp. 200 and 201, where Orthodoxus distinctly asserts that the substance remains un changed. Transubstantiation, definitely declared an article of faith in 1215, seems to have been first taught early in the 9th c. Vide Bp. Harold Browne on Art. xxviii.
Desinant ergo dicere naturam Verbi in Corporis naturam esse mutatam; ne pari interpretatione videatur natura Verbi in contagium mutata peccati. Aliud est enim quod assumpsit, et aliud quod assumptum est. Virtus venit in Virginem, sicut et Angelus ad eam dixit "quia Virtus Altissimi obumbrabit te." Sed natum est corpus ex Virgine; et ideo coelestis quidem descensio, sed humana conceptio est. Non ergo eadem carnis potuit esse divinitatisque natura.
(175 )In the Greek text the last sentence is unintelligible and apparently corrupt. The translation follows the Latin text from which the version in the citation of Theodoret varies in important particulars. The Greek text of the quotation runs:-
Pausasqwsan toinon oi legontej wj h tou Logou fusij eij sarkoj metabeblhtai fusin: ina mh doch metablhqeisa kata thn authn ermhneian gegenhsqai kai h tou Logou fusij toij tou qwmatoj paqhmasi sumfqoroj. #Eteron gar esti to proslabon kai eteron esti to proslhfqen. Dunamij hlqen epi thn parqenon, wj o aggeloj proj authn legei oti Dunamij uyistou episkiasei soi: all ek tou swmatoj hn thj Parqenou to texqen: kai dia touto Qeia men h katabasij h de sullhyij anqrwpinh: ouk auth oun hdunato tou te swmatoj pneuma kai thj qeothtoj fusij.
(215 )This and another fragment in the Catena on St. John xix. 443, is all that survives of the works of Antiochus of Ptolemais, an eloquent opponent of Chrysostom at Constantinople, and like him, said to have a "mouth of gold."
(216 )Hilary of Poictiers, _a.d. 368. The treatise quoted is known as "de Trinitate," and "contra Arianos," as well as "de Fide." The Greek of Theodoret differs considerably from the Latin. Of the first extract the original is nescit plane vitam suam nescit qui Christum Jesum ut verum Deum ita et verum hominem ignorat. Et ejusdem periculi res est, Christum Fesum vel Spiritum Deum, vel carnem nostri corporis denegare. Omnis ergo qui confitebitur me coram hominibus, confitebor et ego eum coram patre meo qui est in coelis. Qui autem negaverit me coram hominibus, negabo et ego eum coram patre meo, qui est in coelis. Haec Verbum caro factum loquebatur, et homo Jesus Christus dominus majestatis docebat; Mediator ipse in se ad salutem Ecclesiae constitutus et illo ipso inter Deum et homines mediatoris sacramento utrumque unus existeus, dum ipse ex unitis in idipsum naturis naturae utriusque res eadem est; ita tamen, ut neutro careret in utroque, ne forte Deus esse homo nascendo desineret, et homo rursus Deus manendo non esset. Haec itaque humanae beatitudinis fides vera est, Deum et hominem praedicare, Verbum et carnem confiteri: neque Deum nescire quod homo sit, neque carnem ignorare quod Verbum sit.
(218 )Natus igitur unigenitus Deus ex Virgine homo, el secundum plenitudinem temporum in semetipso provecturus in Deum hominem hunc per omnia evangelici sermonis modum tenuit, ut se filium Dei credi doceret, et hominis filium praedicari admoneret: locutus et gerens homo universa quae Dei sunt, loquens deinde et gerens Deus universa quae hominis sunit; ita tamen, ut ipso illo utriusque generis sermone numquam nisi cum significatione et hominis locutus et Dei sit; uno tamen Deo patre semper ostenso, et se in natura unius Dei per nativitatis veritatem professo: nec tamen se Deo patri non et filii honore et hominis conditione subdente: cum et nativitas omnis se referat ad auctorem, et caro se universa secundum Deum profiteatur infirmam. Hinc itaque fallendi simplices atque ignorantes haereticis occasio est, ut quae ab eo secundum hominem dicta sunt, dicta esse secundum naturae divinae infirmitatem mentiantur: et quia unus atque idem est loquens omnia quae loquitur de se ipso omnia eum locutum esse contendant.
Nec sane negamus, totum illum qui ejus manet, naturae suae esse sermonem. Sed si Jesus Christus et homo et Deus est; et neque cum homo, tum primum Deus: neque cum homo, tang non etiam et Deus; neque post hominem in Deo non totus homo totus Deus; unum atque idem necesse est dictorum ejus sacramentum esse, quod generis. Et cum in eo secundum tempus discernis hominem a Deo, Dei tamen atque hominis discerne sermonem. Et cum Deum atque hominem in tempore confiteberis, Dei atque hominis in tempore dicta dijudica. Cum vero ex homine et Deo rursus totius hominis, totius etiam Dei tempus intelligis, si quid illud ad demonstrationem ejus temporis dictum est, tempori coaptato quae dicta sunt: ut cum aliud sit ante hominem Deus, aliud sit homo et Deus, aliud sit post hominem et Deum totus homo totus Deus; non confundas temporibus; et generibus dispensationis sacramentum, cum pro qualitate generum ac naturarum, alium ei in sacramento hominis necesse est sermonem fuisse non nato, alium adhuc morituro, alium jam aeterno. Nostri igitur causa haec omnia Jesus Christus manens et corporis nostri homo natus secundum consuetudinem naturoe nostroe locutus est, non tamen omittens naturoe suae esse quod Deus est. Nam tametsi in partu ac passione ac morte naturoe nostroe rem peregit, res tamen ipsas omnes virtute naturoe suoe gessit.
(222 )Severianus, like Antiochus of Ptolemais, was moved to leave his remote diocese (Gabala is now Gibili, not far south of Latakia) to try his fortunes as a popular preacher at Constantinople: There he met with success, and was kindly treated by Chrysostom, but he turned against his friend, and was a prime agent in the plots against him. The date of his death is unknown.
(226 )The word in the text is the famous qeotokoj, the watchword of the Nestorian controversy. It may be doubtful whether either the English "Mother of God" or the Latin "Deipara" exactly represents the idea intended to be expressed by the subtler Greek. Even Nestorius did not object to the Qeotokoj when rightly understood. The explanation of the symbolum drawn up by Theodoret himself at Ephesus for presentation to the Emperor is "'Ena xriston, ena uion, ena kurion omologoumen. kata tauthn: thj asugxutou enwsewj ennoian omologoumen thn agian, parqenon qeotokon, dia to ton qeon logon sapkwqhnai kai enanqrwphsai kai ec authj thj sullhyewj enwsai eautw ton ec authj lhfqenta /aon." The great point sought to be asserted was, the union of the two Natures. Gregory of Nazianzus (li. 738) says #Ei tij ou qeotokon thn Marian upolambanei xwrij esti thj Qeothtoj.
"There are but four things which concur to make complete the whole state of our Lord Jesus Christ: his Deity, his manhood, the conjunction of both, and the distinction of the one from the other being joined in one. Four principal heresies there are which have in those things withstood the truth: Arians, by bending themselves against the Deity of Christ; Apollinarians, by maiming and misinterpreting that which belongeth to his human nature; Nestorians, by rending Christ asunder, and dividing him into two persons; the followers of Eutyches, by confounding in his person those natures which they should distinguish. Against these there have been four most famous ancient general councils: the council of Nice to define against Arians; against Apollinarians the Council of Constantinople; the councilor Ephesus against Nestorians; against Eutychians the Chalcedon Council. In four words, alhqwj, telewj, adiairetwj, asugxutwj, truly, perfectly, indivisibly, distinctly; the first applied to his being God, and the second to his being Man, the third to his being of both One, and the fourth to his continuing in that one Both: we may fully by way of Abridgement comprise whatsoever antiquity hath at large handled either in declaration of Christian belief, or in refutation of the foresaid heresies. Within the compass of which four heads, I may truly affirm, that all heresies which touch but the person of Jesus Christ, whether they have risen in these later days, or in any age heretofore, may be with great facility brought to confine themselves."
(2 )The vena cava, by which the blood returns to the heart. The physiology of Eranistes would be held in the matn "orthodox" even now, and shews that Theodoret was well abreast of the science accepted before the discovery of the circulation of the blood.
(9 )C. f. note on Page 37. From the middle of the IIIrd century onward we find acceptation of the Pauline authorship Among writers who quote the Ep. as St. Paul's are Cyril of Jerusalem, the two Gregories, Basil, and Chrysostom, as well as Theodoret.
(25 )The text of John iv. 6 is kekopiakwj ekaqezeto, i.e., after being weary sate down. kopiwn ekafezeto would = "while being weary sate down." The force of the passage seems to be that Scripture states our Lord to have been wearied once, - not to be wearied now; though of course in classical Greek legei (historicè) auton kopian might mean "said that he was in a state of weariness."
= "the double (cave)."
It is interesting to contrast the heathen idea, that the shadow goes to Hades while the self is identified with the body, with the Christian belief, that the self lives while the body is buried e.g. Homer (Il. i. 4) says that while the famous "wrath" sent many heroes' souls to Hades, it made "them" a prey to dogs and birds. cf. xxiii. 72. "yuxai eidwla kamontwn."
(43 )The sacrifice of Isaac so far as his father's part in it is concerned is regarded as having actually taken place at the moment of his felt willingness to obey. In the interval of the journey to Mount Moriah Isaac is dead to his father.
(46 )It is to be noted that Theodoret thus apparently regards the divine image as consisting in the intelligence or logoj. And in the implication that Isaac had the divine image he expresses the Scriptural view that this was marred, not lost, by the fall.
(100 )The quotation is not quite exact, "'Euxaristiaj kai prosforaj ouk apodexontai" being substituted for euxaristiaj kai proseuxhj apexontai. Bp. Lightfoot (Ap. Fath. II. ii. 307) notes, "the argument is much the same as Tertullian's against the Docetism of Marcion (adv. Marc. iv. 40), `Acceptum panem et distributum discipulis corpus suum illum fecit. Hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est figura mei corporis. Figura autem non fuisset, nisi veritatis esset corpus, ceterum vacua res quod est phantasma, figuram capere non posset.0' The Eucharist implies the reality of Christ's flesh. To those who deny this reality it has no meaning at all; to them Christ's words of institution are false; it is in no sense the flesh of Christ." Cf. Iren. iv. 18, 5.
(109 )The effusion of water and blood is now well known to have been a natural consequence of the "broken heart." On the rupture of the heart the blood fills the pericardium, and then coagulates. The wound of the lance gave passage to the collected blood and serum. cf. Dr. Stroud's "Physical Cause of the Death of Christ," first published in 1847.
(152 )Eusebius, bishop of Emesa (now Hems, where Heliogabalus received the purple, and Aurelian defeated Zenobia) c. 341-359 is called by Jerome "Signifer Arianoe factionis." Chron. sub ann. x Constantii. Theodoret also mentions writings of his against Apelles (Haer. fab. i. 25.)
(160 )twn ontwn in the original; lit: of the things that are, which might have an orthodox interpretation, tho' strictly speaking there is no such thing as "to on&Eaxute\" there is only "own," i.e. God. But Schulze is no doubt right in explaining twn ontwn here to refer to created things.
(16 )When Paul was brought into the castle the Lord stood by him and said, "Be of good cheer Paul" (Acts xxiii. 11.) "Fear not Paul" was said when he was being exceedingly tossed in the tempest (Acts xxvii. 24).
) commonly rope - the word used by St. Paul himself in II. Cor. xi. 33. In Acts ix. 25 St. Luke writes en spuridi, spurij (? speirw) being the large rope basket of Matt. xv. 37, and distinguished from the kofinoj of Matt. xiv. 20 and of Juvenal III. 14, "Judoeis quorum cophinus foenumque supellex," and VI. 542.
(20 )On the wine of Lesbos cf. Hor. Car. i. 17, "innocentis pocula Lesbii_" Aulus Gellius tells the story how Aristotle, when asked to nominate his successor, and wishing to point out the superiority of Theophrastus to Menedemus, called first for a cup of Rhodian, and then of Lesbian, and after sipping both, exclaimed huiwn o Lesbioj. Nact. Att. xiii. 5.
The more classical Greek for eleuqeria, the character of the eleuqeroj, was eleuqeriothj, eleuqeria being used for freedom, or license; Vide Arist. Eth. Nic. iv. 1.
The misoponhroj is a hater of knavery, as in Dem. 584, 12.
On the high character of the praoj cf. Aristotle. Eth. Nic. iv. 5. and Archbp. Trench, synonyms of the N. T. p. 148.
The sentiment finds various expression in ancient writerse.g. Euripides, in a fragment of the lost "Aegeus,"
Katqanein d/ ofeiletai
kai tw kat' oikouj ektoj hmenw ponwn.
and Propertius El. III. 10.
"Ille licet ferro cautus se condat et oere,
Mors tamen inclusum protrahit inde caput."
The quotation is from the speech of Pericles to the Athenians in b.c. 430 in which he encourages and soothes them under adversity.
(69 )Colophon was one of the twelve Ionian cities founded by Mopsus on the coast of Asia Minor and was one of the claimants for being the birthplace of Homer. To put a colophon to anything became a proverbial expression for to put the crowning touch. to complete - from the fact according to Strabo (C. 643) that the Colophonian cavalry was so excellent as at once to decide and finish a battle in which it appeaed. So the place and date of the edition of a book, with the device of the printer, appended to old editions is called a colophoa.
(78 )The delator referred to in these letters is presumably Athanasius of Perrha, who was deposed by Domnus II bishop of Antioch, in the middle of the fifth century. As Titlemont points out (Vol. XV. pp. 261-3 ed. 1740) we cannot make the identification with certainty, but the circumstances correspond with what is known of this Athanasius. There was a Perrha, now Perrin, about twenty miles north of Samosata (Samisat).
(82 )To the same Florentius is addressed the important letter LXXXIX wherein Theodoret defends himself from charges of heterodoxy. Before 449 he had six times attained the high position of Prefect of the East.
(86 )Eustathius of Berytus (Beyrout) was a bad specimen of the time-serving ecclesiastic. Fierce in his attacks on Ibas, and a prominent member of the Latrocinium in 449 he narrowly escaped deposition himself at Chalcedon in 451.
(87 )At Chalcedon Damianus of Sidon voted for the deposition of Dioscorus. (Labbe Conc. IV. 443.) In this and in the preceding letter we find Theodoret in friendly communication with representatives of the two antagonistic parties. The date of the correspondence can only be conjectured.
(111 )Thucydides, (I. 138,) writes of Themistocles that "to a greater degree than any other man he was to be admired for the natural ability which he displayed; for by his inborn capacity, he was an unrivalled judge of what the emergency of the moment required, and unsurpassed in his forecast of he future, and this without the aid of previous or additional instruction."
The same historian (II. 60) records the speech of Pericles in his own vindication in which he says "I think myseIf inferior to none in knowing what measures should be taken and in enforcing them by word of mouth."
(112 )Theoctistus; who, we learn from Letter CXXXIV, did not prove himself a friend in need, succeeded Acacius in 438. Garnerius, apparently on insufficient grounds, would therefore date the letter before this year.
(130 )"It is noticeable that with systematic discipline as to the persons taught, there was no order of teachers. It was part of the pastoral office to watch over the souls of those who were seeking admission to the Church, as well as those who were in it, and thus bishops, priests, deacons, or readers might all of them be found, when occasion required, doing the work of a Catechist. The Doctor Audientium of whom Cyprian speaks, was a Lector in the Church of Carthage. Augustine's Treatise de Catechizandis Rudibus, was addressed to Deogratias as a deacon; the Catecheses of Cyril of Jerusalem were delivered by him partly as a deacon, partly asa presbyter. The word catechist implies accordingly a function, not a class." Dean Plumptre in Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 319.
(145 )The allusion appears to be to the edict of Feb. 448, ordering the deposition of Theodoret's friend Irenaeus bishop of Tyre, on the ground of his being a digamus and a heretic. Irenaeus was degraded from the priesthood and forbidden to appear in Tyre. cf. Epp. III. XII. XVI. XXXV.
(149 )This brings us to about the year 423, when Theodoret was consecrated bishop at the approximate age of 30, after passing seven years in the monastery of Nicerte, three miles from Apamea, and one hundred and twenty from Cyrus. Cf. Ep. CXIX.
(150 )Cf. Letter LVIII. Nomus was an influential officer of Theodosius II., being "Magister Officiorum" in 443, consul in 445 and patrician in 449. A friend of Dioscorus, he opposed Theodoret and was instrumental in procuring the decree which confined the bishop to his diocese in 449.
(155 )The works mentioned are (a) those on the Octateuch, the Books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles, the Psalms, Can-ticles, and the Prophets; (b) on the xiv Epp. of St. Paul, including the Hebrews; the Dialogues, and the Hoereticarum Fabularum Compendium: (g) XII Books on the mysteries of the Faith; (e) the "de Providentia;" (z) on the Questions of the Magi, and (h) the Religious History. Of these (g) and (z) are lost.
(159 )The first formal insertion of the addition filloque is said to be in a Creed put forth at a council of Toledo about a.d. 400. At the third council of Toledo a.d. 589, the Nicaeno-Constantinopolitan Creed was promulgated with the addition - "ex Ppatre et Filio procedentem."
(176 )There appears to be nothing in this letter or in Letter CII. also addressed to bishop Basil to identify the recipient. Basil bishop of Seleucia in Isauria was at the Latrocinium and at Chalcedon. Basil, bishop of Trajanopolis was also present at the same councils.Garnerius is in favour of the former, and notes the date as 448.
(180 )This important letter may be placed between the sentence of deposition issued by Dioscorus in Feb. 448 and the imperial edict of March 449; probably before November 448, when Eutyches was arraigned before the Synod of Constantinople presided over by Flavian.
(182 )i.e. in Constantinople in 381. The second Canon of the Council is referred to, - confining each bishop to his own "diocese," i.e. a tract comprising more than one province. So the bishop of Alexandria was restricted to Egypt.
(183 )The immediate cause of this enactment by the Constantinopolitan Fathers was the interference of Peter of Alexandria in the appointment to the see of Constantinople, when the orthodox party nominated Gregory of Nazianzus. cf. p. 136.
(184 )The third Canon of Constantinople had enacted that henceforth the see of the new capital should rank next after Rome. In the text the precedence of Antioch before Alexandria is based on association with St. Peter. "The so-called Cathedra Petri, which is kept in a repository of the wall of the apse of the Vatican Basilica," and was "exhibited in 1866" "is probably a throne made for or presented to Charles the Bold in 875." Dict. Christ. Ant. ii. 1960. For the connexion of St. Peter with Antioch see Routh Rell. Sac. i. 179.
(185 )Domnus of Apamea is to be distinguished from Domnus II, bishop of Antioch the recipient of Letters XXXI, CX, CXII and CLXXX. He was present at Chalcedon in 451. This letter may be placed in 448-9.
(187 )The action of the Osrhoene clergy here referred to is their accusation of Theodoret's friend Ibas of Edessa. The "sentence" was that of excommunication delivered by Ibas. The leaders of the cabal against him were instigated by Uranius, bishop of Himeria, one of Ibas's suffragans. cf. note on p. 291.
(191 )i.e., magister officiorum, one of the great state officers under the Constantinian constitution. He had control over posts, police, arsenals, and the imperial correspondence and, from his authority in the palace, was a kind of "comptroller," or "master of the household." cf. Rufinus, p. 123.
(200 )cf. Letters LVIII and LXXXI. Nomus the consul and Nomus the patrician are distinguished in Schulze's Index to the Letters, but there seems no reason to doubt their identity. Nomus the powerful minister of Theodosius II. was consul in 445 and patrician in 449, to which year this third letter may be referred.
(205 )Sporacius or Asporacius was present at Chalcedon in 451, as comes domesticorum, or one of the two commanders of the body guard. It was at his request that Theodoret wrote his Hoereticarum fabularum compendium which he dedicates "To the most magnificent and glorious lord Sporacius my Christ-loving son." To Sporacius was also addressed the short treatise "adversus Nestorium" of which some editors have doubted the genuineness. The present letter may be dated in 449.
(212 )Cf. Letter LXXXV. There seems nothing to indicate whether this Basil is Basil of Seleucia or Basil of Trajanopolis, both of whom were present at the Latrocinium and took part against Theodoret. Garnerius refers it to the former, a time-server of the court.
(i) the treasurer of a particular church: e.g. Cyriacus of Constantinople (Chron Pasch. p. 378).
(ii) a diocesan official. The Council of Chalcedon ordered that every diocese should have its oeconomus.
(iii) the custos monasterii, who had charge of the secular affairs of the monastery, as the diocesan oeconomus of those of the diocese.
(247 )The route of the bishops would be by land, in consequence of the dangers of the sea voyage in winter time. From Ancyra (Angora) they would follow the course of the Sangarius into Bithynia, and would cross thence via Chalcedon to Constantinople.
(248 )This letter is placed by Garnerius in the end of 447 on account of its allusion to Proclus, who died in October 447, and to the deposition of Iren`us of Tyre, for which the formal edict was issued in Feb. 448, but which was perhaps rumoured earlier. But by some the death of Proclus is placed a year earlier.
(251 )"The phraseology of this letter has given rise to much misapprehension. The use of the first person has led some to suppose that Theodoret, who belonged to another province, was the consecrator of Irenaeus, or that he took part in his consecration, or even with the Abbé Martin (le Pseudo-Synode d'Éphèse, pp. 84, 85) that it is erroneously ascribed to Theodoret, and was really written by Domnus. It is clear from the tenor of the epistle that it was written by Theodoret, and that the first person is employed by him as writing in Domnus' name. (Tillemont xv. pp. 871, 872.)" Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 281 n.
It is in consonance with this theory that Alexander of Antioch is described as bishop of this apostolic see, a phrase natural for Domnus to use, but not for Theodoret.
(253 )No more is known of Domninus or Praylius. cf. p. 157. "It is clear from the Philosophumena of Hippolytus (ix, 12.) that by the beginning of the third century the rule of monogamy for the clergy was well established, since he complains that in the days of Callistus `digamist and trigamist bishops, priests, and deacons began to be admitted.0'" Dict. Christ. Ant. i. 552.
(255 )This letter is in reply to that written by Anatolius on the receipt of Letter XCII. Garnerius, who places the decree of relegation earlier than Tillemont, dates it at about the end of April 448.
(256 )The leaders of the attack on Ibas, (bishop of Edessa and metropolitan, in 436) were four presbyters, Samuel, Cyrus, Eulogius, and Maras. The cabal chose the moment for action when Domnus visited Hierapolis for the enthrontzation of Stephen, and in 445 Ibas was summoned by Domnus to Antioch, but did not come. In 448 the eighteen charges - some frivolous, some of gross heresy - were formally heard, and Domnus decided in favor of Ibas. cf. p. 283, note.
(259 )Garnerius points out that the indications of the date of this letter are clear. It mentions the imperial summons to the Latrocinium, and contains Theodoret's advice to Domnus as to what companions he should take with him. It must therefore be placed between the arrival of the summons at Antioch and the departure of Domnus for Ephesus. The summons is dated the 30th of March, and appointed the 1st of August for themeeting. Antioch is a clear thirty days' journey from Ephesusand Domnus had not yet chosen his companions. We may therefore date the letter in the May of 449.
(262 )Cyril wrote his IIIrd letter to Nestorius probably on Nov. 3, 430. "To the end of the letter were appended twelve `articles0' or `chapters,0' couched in the form of anathematisms against the various points of the Nestorian theory." "These propositions were not well calculated to reclaim Nestorius; nor were they indeed so worded throughout as to approve themselves to all who essentially agreed with Cyril as to the personal Deity of Christ. On the contrary the abruptness of their tone, and a certain one-sidedness ...made some of them open, prima facie, to serious criticism from persons who, without being Nestorians, felt that in the attack on Nestorianism the truth of Christ's real and permanent manhood might be in danger of losing its due prominence." Canon Bright, Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 766.
(265 )Eutherius of Tyana (Kiliss Hissar in Karamania) was a strong Nestorian, and signed the appeal of Nestorius after his deposition in 431. On July 17th John and his adherents were deposed. Firmus of the Cappadocian C`sarea (still "Kasaria") himself a graceful letter writer, was an anti-Nestorian. Theodotus of Ancyra also sided with Cyril.
(266 )i.e. Cyril and Memnon. "No sooner had John reached Ephesus, than before the had washed and dressed after his journey, in the inn itself, late at night, in secret session, by the connivance of the Count Candidianus, a sentence was passed on Cyril and Memnon - on Cyril on the accusation of Theodoret." Cf. Garnerius Hist. Theod., and Cyril. Ep. ad Caelest. Labbe iii. 663.
(268 )Paul and Barnabas went up to Jerusalem, not to Peter, but "unto the Apostles and elders." Acts xv. 2. Peter took a leading part in the discussion, but the "sentence" was pronounced not by Peter, but by James, and the decree was that of "the Apostles and elders with the whole Church." The slight "wresting" of the scriptures of which Theodoret is guilty is due rather to a desire to compliment an important personage than in anticipation of later controversies.
(271 )The traditional places of sepulture are, of half of each of the holy bodies, the shrine of SS. Peter and Paul in the crypt of St. Peter's; of the remaining moiety of St. Peter the Lateran; of St. Paul, St. Paolo fuori le Mura.
(273 )St. Paul is treated as in a sense bishop of Rome. The idea may have some bearing on the hypothesis sometimes adopted, to avoid the difficulties in the early Roman succession, that there was a Gentile line derived from St. Paul, who ordained Linus, and after him Cletus; and that for the Jewish brethren St. Peter ordained Clement.
(275 )Dioscorus presided, and next him sat Julius of Puteoli, who in company with the presbyter Renatus, and the deacon Hilarius (successor to Leo in the papacy) had carried to Flavian the famous "tome" of Leo in June 449. Leo (Epp. XXXII. and XXXIV.) describes his legates as sent "delatere meo." According to one version of the story Renatus died at Delos on the way out. Labbe IV: 1079.
(277 )No word exactly renders the title of these ministers, discharging functions of an episcopal kind, though without high responsibility. They are first mentioned in the Councils of Ancyra and of Neo-Caesarea and fifteen of them subscribed the decrees of Nicaea.
(280 )The tone of this letter, it need hardly be said, is quite inconsistent with the later idea of an "appeal to Rome." It is "an appeal," but the appeal of a wronged man for the sup port, succour, and advice, of a brother bishop of the highest position and character. It does not on the face of it suggest that Leo has any authority to review or alter the sentence of the council. Tillemont (Mém. Ecc. xv. 294) observes that though addressed to Leo in person the appeal is really made to the bishops of the West in council. Leo remonstrated, but Theodosius and his court maintained that the decrees of the Latrocinium must stand.
(282 )Written after the deposition at Ephesus, and when Theodoret is either on the point of departing, or has departed, from Cyrus to the Apamean monastery. The simultaneous exercise of the clerical and medical professions points perhaps to the continuance of the class of "Silverless martyrs," i.e. physicians who took no fee but healed on condition that their patients should turn to Christ. The legendary Saints of the un-feed faculty are Cosmo and Damian, the brothers whose church occupies the site of the Temple of Remus, or of the Penates, in the Roman Forum.
(283 )This letter will be of the same date as CXIII. Theodoret was aware that Leo was to be represented at the Latrocinium by Renatus as well as by Julius of Puteoli and the archdeacon Hilarius, but had not heard that he had never reached Ephesus. We are told on the authority of Felix, the author of the "Breviarium Hoeresis Eutychianoe" that Renatus died at Delos on the way out, This death is however discredited by Quesnel and some other authorities.
(285 )Hilarius did leave Ephesus before the second session of the council (Cf. Leo Ep. XLVI) and before the deposition of Theodoret. The "massacre" may refer to the brutal treatment of Flavian by the adherents and bullies of Dioscorus.
(288 )The Monothelite Controversy dates from two centuries after Theodoret, when Heraclius was trying to bring about religious union in his empire. Pope Honorius asserted two energies, but one will. Monothelitism was definitely condemned at Constantinople in 681, and Honorius anathematized.
(289 )There were at this time two well known personages of the name of Florentius to whom this letter may possibly have been addressed. Florentius the patrician, recipient of Letter LXXXIX., and Florentius bishop of Sardis. Against the former hypothesis are the terms of the letter; against the latter the character and sympathies of the metropolitan of Lydia, it as Garuerius thinks, he was an Eutychian. Canon Venables (Dict. Christ Bios. II. 540) supposes a Florentius bishop of a nameless western see. Garnerius and others think the letter was probably really addressed to the clergy or bishops assembled in synod at Rome.
(299 )The two following letters are written from the monaster at Nicerte where Theodoret found a retreat after his banishment from Cyrus. Garnerius would place the former late in 449, and the latter early in 450.
(300 )Uranius, bishop of Emesa in Ph`nicia, was present at the two trials of Ibas, at Tyre in February and at Berytus in September 448. At the Latrocinium he was accused of immorality and of episcopal usurpation. It was during his episcopate that the head of the Baptist was supposed to be found at Emesa. Cf. notes on pp. 96 and 242.
(319 )Sabinianus succeeded Athanasius bishop of Perrha on the deposition of the latter at Antioch in 445. He was deposed at the Latrocinium and Athanasius restored. Both bishops signed at Chalcedon as bishops of Perrha (Labbe iv, 602, 590. Dict: Christ: Biog: iv, 574. The letter may be dated 450. Theodoret chides Sabinianus for appealing to the dominant wrong doers against his expulsion.
(320 )Johius was an orthodox archimandrite of Constantinople, and subscribed the deposition of Eutyches by the hand of his deacon Andreas at Constantinople in 448. (Labbe iv, 232) In 450 Leo addresses him with other archimandrites (Ep. LXXI page 1012). This letter seems to have been written about the time of the Latrocinium.
(325 )Garnerius supposes that this Antoninus is the same as the Antoninus mentioned as living in Theodoret's Religious History and thinks that the Solitary may have become an Archimandrite after 445 when the Religious History was written, but the mss. vary as to the superscription of the letter, which may be addressed to Magnus, Antonius and others.
(335 )The word tetraktuj commonly expresses the sum of the first four numbers in the Pythagorean system, i.e. 10, the root of creation; (1+2+3+4=10.) Cf. the Pythagorean oath "Nai ma ton ametera yuxa paradonta tetraktun." Its use for tetradeion or tetradion (cf. Acts xii. 4) may indicate acceptance of the theory of the mystic and necessary number of the gospels of which early and remarkable expression is found in Irenaeus (cont. Haer. iii. 11.)
(338 )There were many martyrs of the name of Julianus. Theodoret might have visited a shrine of Julianus martyred at Emesa in the reign of Numerian. A Romanus was one of the seven martyrs at Samosata in the persecution of Diocletian. Among martyred Timothei was one who suffered at Gaza in 304.
(343 )Garnerius identifies the "short instruction" with the composition mentioned in letter CIX. and sent to Eusebius of Ancyra; and the bishop whose name is omitted with the same Eusebius. But in his note on CIX, he thinks this composition is a part of Dial. II. It would seem from this letter that the composition in question was distinct from the Dialogues.
(344 )Sent presumably at the same time as the preceding. Nothing is recorded of Longinus. It will be remembered that the name, recorded also in the Acts of Linus as that of an officer commanding the executioners of St. Paul, is assigned by tradition to the soldier who wounded the Saviour's side.
(349 )Eph. iv. 14, and Eph. vi. 11. As in the case of the former citation Theodoret seems to be quoting from memory, and coupling the two passages in which the word meqodeia occurs. "Wiles" fits in better with the evident allusion to Eph. vi. 11, than the periphrasis by which A. V. renders iv. 14, and for which the revisers substitute "the wiles of error." "meqodeia" may be exactly described as "h apostolikh fwnh," for it occurs nowhere but in these two passages.
(351 )It will be remembered that Flavianus had actually died from the brutal treatment he had received at the hands-and the feet-of Dioscorus with his partisans and bullies, and "migravit ad Dominum dolore plagarum," Aug. 11, 449, three days after he was carried from St. Mary's at Ephesus to his dungeon. (Liberatus Brev. xix. Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 858.)
(352 )John of Germanicia (vide p. 86 n.) was on the Nestorian side at Ephesus in 431, and so naturally associated with Theodoret. At Chalcedon he was compelled to pronounce a special anathema against Nestorius. (Mansi vii. 193, Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 374.) The letter is written after the deposition and before the banishment to Nicerte. Cf. Ep. 147.
(355 )This letter marks the change in the condition of affairs which followed on the death of Theodosius on July 29, 450, and the accession of Pulcheria and Marcian. Eutyches was exiled, the eunuch Chrysaphius banished and executed, and Theodoret recalled. It may be placed in the autumn of 450 or early in 451. The earlier letter (xxxii) to Theoctistus claims on behalf of Celestinianus a kindness which Theodoret in his then hour of need had failed to receive.
(362 )Romulus, bishop of Chalcis in Coele Syria, sided with the dominant haeretical party through pusillanimity. He was at Chalcedon in 451. Who may have been his crab.gaited friend can only be conjectured.
It would appear that edicts anathematizing Eutyches were published soon after the accession of Marcian.
(364 )There is here neither note of time, nor certainty whether this Cyrus is the Cyrus who is thanked in Ep. XIII. for the Lesbian wine. The superscriptions of both letters are unfavourable to theories identifying him with any possible bishop of the name.
(368 )A Johannes was an Archimandrite of Constantinople and was present at Chalcedon in 451, (Labbe iv. 512 d) but there is no evidence to identify the recipient of the present letter, which may be dated from Nicerte not long after the death of Theodosius.
(370 )This is the last of the series of Theodoret's letters to his illustrious friend. It expresses his gratitude for his restitution by Marcian and begs Anatolius to use his best endeavours to get a council called to settle the difficulties of the Church. The letter thus dates itself in the year 451 and indicates that the calling of the council of Chalcedon was to some extent due to Theodoret's initiative. At the earlier sessions at Chalcedon Marcian was represented by Anatolious, and it was partly the authority of Anatolius which overbore the protests of Dioscorus and his party against the admission of Theodoret.
(372 )"Dioscorus presided, and next to him Julian, or Julius, the representative of the `most holy bishop of the Roman Church0' then Juvenal of Jerusalem, Domnus of Antioch, and, his lowered position indicating what was to come, Flavian of Constantinople." Canon Bright in Dict. Christ. Biog. i. 856; Mansi. vi. 607.
(374 )cf. p. 155 n. "A sudden and total revolution at once took place. The change was wrought, - not by the commanding voice of ecclesiastical authority, - not by the argumentative eloquence of any great writer, who by his surpassing abilities awed the world into peace, - not by the reaction of pure Christian charity, drawing the conflicting parties together by evangelic love. It was a new dynasty on the throne of Constantinople. The feeble Theodosius dies; the masculine Pulcheria, the champion and the pride of orthodoxy, the friend of Flavianus and Leo ascends the throne, and gives her hand, with a share of the empire, to a brave soldier Marcianus." Milman, Lat. Christ. 1. 264.
(375 )Garnerius has substituted for Aspar the name Abienus who was Consul in 450. Schulze would retain the ordinary reading of Aspar. The recipient of the letter, whoever he be, is thanked for his part in the rescinding of the acts of the late Latrocinium.
(376 )The internal evidence of the letter makes it synchronize with the preceding. The advocacy of the cause of Theodoretus by Vincomalus is the more striking in that it does not appear to have been suggested by personal friendship. Vincomalus was Consul Designate in 452. (Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 1159. Labbe iv. 843.) Magister = "Magister Officiorum," cf. note on p. 283.
(379 )The Acoemetae, "sleepless," or "unresting," were an order of monks established in the 5th century by Alexander, an officer of the imperial household. Marcellus, the third Abbot, was a second founder, and was warmly supported by the patriarch Gennadius of Constantinople. (458-71.) Before Chalcedon he joined with other orthodox abbots to petition Marcian against Eutyches. (Labbe iv. 531 Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 813). Alexander's foundation was of 300 monks of various nations, divided into six choirs, and so arranged that the work of praise and prayer should "never rest." This has been copied elsewhere and since,
"where tapers day and night
On the dim altar burned continually,
In token that the house was evermore
Watching to God.
Wordsworth, Exc. viii.
(385 )"No one," says Garnerius "will have any doubt as to the reference being to Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodorus of Mopsuestia who compares the words used with Letter XVI, with the end of Dialogue I, and with expressions in both the ecclesiastical and religious history." Cf. pp. 256, 175, 133, and 136.
(386 )From the mention at the end of the letter of the epistle of Leo to Flavianus, Garnerius argues that it must be dated at the end of 449 or somewhat later. The epistle of Leo is dated on the 13th of June and could not have reached Theodoret in his detention at Cyrus till the autumn.
(394 )Cf. note onp. 30 3. Among martyred Dionysii were (i) one of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, (ii) one at Tripoli (iii) another at Corinth, (iv and v) and two at Caesarea, in the persecution of Diocletian. Cosmas and Damianus are the famous semi-mythical physicians, the Silverless Martyrs. Vide p. 295.
(402 )This, remarks Garnerius, is less a letter than a prolix exposition of Theodoret's view of the Incarnation. Theodoret mentions his condemnation at the Latrocinium and the exile of Eutyches, but says nothing of the favourable action towards himself of Marcianus. Theodosius died on the 29th of July, and Marcian began his reign on the 25th of August, 450. Theodoret could not possibly hear of the exile of Eutyches before the end of September. The document may therefore be dated in the late autumn of 450 before Theodoret had received the imperial permission to return to Cyrus.
(407 )mustagwgountej. mustagwgew came ultimately to equal "baptize." The word and its correlatives had long passed out of special mystic use. In Cicero a mustagwgoj is a "Cicerone" (Verr. iv. 59) and Strabo uses mustagwgein for to be a guide. (812.)
(421 )I. Cor. xi. 24. Matt. xxvi. 28. But it is to be noticed that for St. Paul's word klwmenon, i.e. "being broken," Theodoret substitutes qruptomenon, i.e. "being crushed," or "broken small," a verb not used by the evangelists. And the clause "for the remission of sins" is misplaced.
(436 )Cf. note on page 288. This letter, or rather doctrinal statement is incomplete. Garnerius supposes it to have been written during Theodoret's retirement after the Council of Chalcedon. There he cut himself off from society and wished to devote himself to study and contemplation.
(458 )It will be observed that our author omits the verse containing the famous paronomasia, and that what he regards the Saviour as confirming is not any supposed authority on the part of the speaker but the identification of Himself with the Christ and of the Christ with the Son of the living God.
(468 )Ephes. v. 5. Here the A. V. rather obscures the force of the original. The R. V. alters to "in the kingdom of Christ and God," but even this hardly brings out Theodoret's views of en th basileia tou Xristou kai Qeou, "in the kingdom of the Christ and God." The mss. do not vary. At the same time it will be borne in mind that the anarthrous use of "Qeoj" is not infrequent, and that some commentators (cf. Alford ad loc.) would hesitate to ground on this passage the argument of the text. The reading of )
and B in John i. 18 "o monogenhj Qeoj" is significant.
(501 )Acts xi. 26. "The word seems to have been in the first instance a nickname fastened by the heathen populace of Antioch on the followers of Christ, who still continued to style themselves the `disciples0' or the `saints0' or the `brethren0' or the `believers,0' and the like. The biting gibes of the Antiochene populace which stung to the quick successive emperors - Hadrian, M. Aurelius, Severus, Julian - would be little disposed to spare the helpless adherents of this new `superstition.0' Objection indeed has been taken to the Antiochene origin of the name on the ground that the termination is Roman, like Pompeianus, Caesarianus, and the like. But this termination, if it was Latin, was certainly Asiatic likewise, as appears from such words as 'Asianoj, baktria/oj, Sardianoj, Trallianoj, 'Areianoj, Menandrta/oj, Sabellianoj. The next occurrence of the word in a Christian document is on the occasion of St. Paul's apearance before Festus (a.d. 60). It is not however put in the mouth of a believer, but occurs in the scornful jest of Agrippa, `With but little persuasion thou wouldest fain make me a Christian0' (Acts xxvi. 28). The third and last example occurs a few years later. In the first Epistle of St. Peter, presumably about a.d. 66 or 67, the Apostle writes `Let not any of you suffer as a murderer or a thief ...but if (he suffers) as a Christian, let him not be ashamed but glorify God0' (iv. 15). Here again the term is not the Apostle's own, but represents the charge brought against the believers by their heathen accusers. In the New Testament there is no indication that the name was yet adopted by the disciples of Christ as their own. Thus Christian documents again confirm the statement of Tacitus that as early as the Neronian persecution this name prevailed, and the same origin also is indirectly suggested by those notices, which he directly states - not `qui sese appellabant Christianos0' but `quos vulgus appellabat Christianos.0' It was a gibe of the common people against `the brethren.0'" Bp. Lightfoot Ap. Fathers, II. 1. 417.
(505 )Heb. iv. 14. On the opinion of the Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews cf. note on page 37. The Alexandrian view is shewn to have affected the Eastern Church. For the reading "Jesus Christ" instead of Jesus the Son of God on which Theodoret's argument depends there is no manuscript authority.
(508 )Titus ii, 13. Cf. note on page 319 on the passage Ephes. v, 5. Here, however, the position of the article is in favour of the interpretation "Jesus Christ, the great God and our Saviour" which was generally adopted by the Greek orthodox Fathers in their controversy with the Arians and by the majority of ancient and modern commentators. But see Afford ad loc. for such arguments as may be adduced in favour of taking swthr as anarthrous like Qeoj.
(532 )The following letters omitted in the volume of Sirmondus have been published in the Auctarium of Garnerius and elsewhere. The following letter number CXLVII is the CXXVth in all the manuscripts. Schulze remarks that he would have replaced it in its own rank but for the confusion which would thus have been introduced in quotation. John, bishop of Germanicia is also the recipient of Letter CXXXIII. This is written a few days after the former, late in 449 or at the beginning of 450.
(534 )It has been pointed out before (Page 293) that at the Latrocinium Domnus was compelled to yield his presidential seat as Patriarch of Antioch, Dioscorus presiding, the Roman legate sitting second, and Juvenal of Jerusalem third. "Cowed by the dictatorial spirit of Dioscorus and unnerved by the outrageous violence of Barsumas and his band of brutal monks he consented to revoke his former condemnation of Eutyches." "This cowardly act of submission was followed by a still baser proof of weakness, the condemnation of the venerable Flavian. Dioscorus having thus by sheer intimidation obtained his ends revenged himself for their former opposition to his wishes upon those whose cowardice had made them the instruments of his nefarious designs, and proceeded to mete out to them the same measure they had dealt to Flavian. Domnus was the last to be deposed. The charges alleged against him were his reported approval of a Nestorian sermon preached before him at Antioch by Theodoret, on the death of Cyril, and some expressions in letters written by him to Dioscorus condemning the obscure character of Cyril's anathematisms."
(535 )Canon Venables in Dic. Chris. biog. vol 1. p. 879. i.e. wild nomad tribes who live in waggons (amacobioi). These Horace (Car. iii. 24, 10) takes as a better type of character than wealthy villa-builders;-
"Campestres melius Scythoe
Quorum plaustra vagas rite trahunt domos
(536 )Bishop of Antioch in Pisidia. He was of the orthodox party and stated himself to have been bred from childhood in the Catholic faith. (Conc. iv. 304.) His name is also written Calendio (Tillem. xv. 579, Dic. Chris. Biog. 1, 395).
(537 )Athanasius of Perrha, the delator of earlier letters (vide note on page 264) had been deposed from his bishopric at a synod of uncertain date held between 444 and 449 at Antioch under Domnus, and replaced by Sabinianus.
(539 )i.e. Maximus, who was appointed by the Latrocinium to succeed Domnus in the see of Antioch, and consecrated by Anatolius in defiance of right and usage. Or possibly the irregularity of the nomination of Maximus may lead Theodoret to regard the see as vacant. Garnerius understands the reference to be to an interval between the appointment and consecration of Maximus.
"A letter so admirable in tone and feeling, so happy in its expression, that it has been attributed to the practised pen of Theodoret." (Canon Venables, Dict. Christ. Biog. iii. 350.) Tillemont describes it as "très belle, très bien faite et très digne de la rèputation qu'avait ce prèlat."
(541 )This letter may be dated in February 431. Celestine and Cyril bad written to John of Antioch in relation to the condemnation of Nestorius by the western bishops at Rome in August 430. Theodoret was at Antioch on the arrival of these letters and hence additional probability is given to the theory that he wrote the reply referred to in the preceding note. Then came the publication of Cyril's chapter or anathemas which Theodoret undertook to refute. Letter CL. is prefixed to his remarks on them.
(545 )This document did not appear in the original edition of the Letters. A fragment in Latin was published in the Auctarium of Garnerius. The complete composition is given by Schulze from a ms. in the Imperial Library at Vienna. The date may be assigned as early in 431. As Cyril had weaned the monks of Egypt and even of Constantinople from the cause of Nestorius, so Theodoret attempts to win over the solitaries of the East from Cyril.
(547 )"Nihil contumeliosius," remarks Garnerius, "in Cyrilli personam et doctrinam dici potest." Some have even thought the expressions too bitter for Theodoret. But the mild man could hit hard sometimes. He felt warmly for Nestorius and against Cyril, and (accepting Tillemont's date) he was now about 38.
(562 )Baruch iii. 35, Baruch iii. 36, Baruch iii. 37. From the time of Irenaeus the book of Baruch, friend and companion of Jeremiah, was commonly quoted as the work of the great prophet. e.g. Iren. adv. Haer. v. 35, 1. cf. note on p. 165.
(589 )Here in the LXX comes in "The spirit of God." It is unlikely that Theodoret should have intended to omit this, and the omission is probably due as in similar cases to the carelessness of a copyist in the case of a repetition of a word.
Jeremy Taylor (ix. 637 ed. 1861) defends it on the bare ground of logic which no doubt originally recommended it. "Though the blessed virgin Mary be not in Scripture called Qeotokoj `the mother of God.0' vet that she was the mother of S Jesus and that Jesus Christ is God, that we can prove from cripture, and that is sufficient for the appellation."
(594 )Cleobulus of Lindos is credited with the maxim ariston metron. Theognis, (335) transmits the famous mhden agan attributed by Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 12, 14) to Chilon of Sparta. Ovid makes Phoebus say to Phaethon "Medio tutissimus ibis" (Met. ii. 137); and quotations tram many other writers may be found all
"Turning: to scorn with lips divine
The falsehood of extremes!"
(618 )Rom. ix. 5. The first implicit denial of the sense here given by Theodoret to this remarkable passage is said to be found in an assertion of the Emperor Julian that neither Paul nor Matthew nor Mark ever ventured to call Jesus God. In the early church it was commonly rendered in its plain and grammatical sense, as by Irenaeus, Tertullian, Athanasius, and Chrysostom. Cf. Alford in loc.
(629 )The martyrdom of Ignatius may be placed within a few years of 110, - before or after. In the 4th c. Oct. 17 was named as the day both of his birth and death. Bp. Lightfoot. Ap. Fathers II. i. 30 and 46.
(630 )i.e. Eustathius of Beroea and Antioch, who, according to Theodoret (H. E. i. 6, p. 43.), sat at Nicaea on Constantine's right hand. (Contra. I. Soz. i. 19.) He was exiled on account of the accusation got up against him by Eusebius of Nicomedia.
(634 )cf. Ep. LII. St. Cyprian was beheaded at Carthage, Aug. 13, 258, his last recorded utterance being his reply to the reading of the sentence "That Thascius Cvprianus be beheaded with the sword," "Thanks be to God." Theodoret's "fire" is either an errors or means the fiery trial of martyrdom.
(637 )i.e. Gregory of Nazianzus, put in possession of St. Sophia by Theodosius I. Nov. 24, 380, Chrysostom, consecrated by The. ophilus of Alexandria, Feb. 26, 398; and Atticus, who succeed Arsacius the usurper in 406.
(642 )Commonly known as bishop of Patara, though Jerome speaks of him as of Tyre. The place and time of his death are doubtful. Eusebius calls him a contemporary. (cf. Jer. Cat. 83, and Socr. vi. 13.)
(644 )Cyril's party met on June 22, 431, - numbering 198, in the Church of the Virgin. John of Antioch with his fourteen sup. porters did not arrive till the 27th. Unable to start from their diocese before April 26, the octave of Easter, they did not assemble at Antioch till May 10, and then were delayed by a famine. Immediately on their arrival the "Conciliabulum" of the 43 anti-Cyrillians met with indecent precipitancy.
(646 )"Comes domesticorum" commander of the guards, was representative of Theodosius II. and Valentinian III. at Ephesus. Candidianus was at first disposed to demur to the condemnation of Nestorius as disorderly and irregular, and to side with the Orientals.
(653 )The Latin version of the title begins "Relatio orientalis conciliabuli." So the rival and hurried gathering of the Easterns was styled. The following letter is a further justification of their action, and illustrates the readiness and ability, if not the temper and prudence, of the bishop of Cyrus, its probable author.
(657 )This letter may be dated "towards the end of July or in the beginning of August 431, after the restitution of Cyril and Memnon on July 16, and before the departure of Theodoret from Ephesus on August 20." Garnerius. Andrew of Samosata wrote objections to Cyril's Chapters in the name of the bishops of the East. He was prevented by illness from being present at Ephesus in 431, as he was also from the synod assembled at Antioch in 444 to hear the cause of Athanasius of Perrha. He was a warm supporter of Nestorius.
This letter exists only in the Latin Version, and is to be found also in Mansi Collect. Conc. ix. 293.
(658 )In Ep. CLXI, the numbers are specified;-"Of Egyptians fifty; of Asiani under Memnon, leader of the tyranny, forty; of the heretics in Pamphylia called Messalianitae, twelve; besides those attached to the same metropolitan" (i.e. Amphilochius of Side) "and others deposed and excommunicated in divers places by synods or bishops, who constitute nothing but a mere turbulent and disorderly mob, entirely ignorant of the divine decrees."
(659 )Another version of the title runs "To the very holy and wise synod assembled at Ephesus, Joannes, Paulus, Apringius, Theodoretus, greeting." The letter may be dated in Sept. 431. Paul, bishop of Emesa, was ultimately an active peacemaker in the dispute. Apringius was bishop of Chalcis.
It only exists in the Latin.
(671 )Dated by Garnerius at the end of September or beginning of October 431, before the order had been given for the withdrawal of the Easterns and the entry of the other party to consecrate a bishop.
(675 )After pointing out that superscription, style, expression, sentiments, and circumstances all indicate Theodoret as the writer of this letter, Garnerius proceeds "The objection of Baronius that mention is made of Martinus, bishop of Milan, when there never was a Martinus bishop of Milan, is not of great importance. Theodoret at a distance might easily write Martinus for Martinianus, or a copyist might abbreviate the name to this form." The date of the letter is marked as after the order to the bishops to remain at Constantinople, and before permission was given them to return home. The Letters were also written to Martinianus of Milan, to John Ravenna, and to John of Aquileia, but only that to Rufus is extant. Rufus is probably the bishop of Thessalonica.
(684 )cf. note on p. 114. Celestius, an Irishman of good family, was associated with Pelagius at Rome. Both were condemned at Ephesus in 431. The connexion of Pelagius with the Euchitae may be suggested by the denial of the former of original sin anti the depreciation by the latter of baptism as producing no results.
Garnerius would date it during the negotiations for reconciliation, when John of Antioch visited Acacius at Beroea, after the Orientals had accepted Cyril's formula of faith. Schulze would rather place it after the negotiations were over.
(686 )Presumably the letter written by Cyril to Acacius, setting forth his own view, and representing that peace might be attained if the Orientals would give up Nestorius. It exists in Latin. Synod. Mansi, V. 831.
(i) In Synod c. 120. Mens. v 898.
(ii) In synodi quntoe collatione. Mans. IX. 294.
(iii) A version of Marius Mercator from the Recension of Garnerius. The two latter are both given in Migne, Theod. IV. 486. The translation given follows the former of these two. The date appears to be not long after the receipt by Theodoret of the Chapters of Cyril.
(699 )The order of events is reversed. John and his friends went from Ephesus to Chalcedon, from Chalcedon via Ancyra to Tarsus, where he was in his own patriarchate, and held a council, confirming Cyril's deposition, and pledging its members never to abandon Nestorius. Again at Antioch the same course was repeated.
(701 )This letter is inserted in the Act. Synod. (vide Mans. ix. 295) as addressed to John, but Garnerius, with general acceptance, has substituted Domnus. Its genuineness was contested by Baronius (an. vi. 23) not only on the ground of its ascription to John who predeceased Cyril four years; but also because its expressions are at once too Nestorian in doctrine and too extreme in bitterness to have been penned by Theodoret. Garnerius is of opinion that the extreme Nestorianism and bitterness of feeling are no arguments against the authorship of Theodoret; and, as we have already had occasion to notice, our author can on occasion use very strong language, as for instance in Letter CL. p. 324, where he alludes to Cyril as a shepherd not only plague smitten himself but doing his best to inflict more damage on his flock than that caused by beast of prey, by infecting his charge with his disease.
"It must be needless to add that Cyril's character is not to be estimated aright by ascribing any serious value to a coarse and ferocious invective agains this memory, which was quoted as Theodoret's in the fifth Geueral Council (Theodor. Ep. 180; see Tillemont, xiv. 784). If it were indeed the production of the pen of Theodoret, the reputation which would suffer from it would assuredly be his own." Canon Bright. Dict. Christ. Bios. I.
"The long and bitter controversy in which both parties did and said many things they must have had cause deeply to regret, was closed by the death of Cyril, June 9, or 27, 444. With Baronius, `the cautious0' Tillemont, Cardinal Newman and Dr. Bright, we should be glad to `utterly scout0' the idea, that the `atrocious letter0' on Cyril's death ascribed to Theodoret by the Fifth Oecumenical Council (Theod. ed Schulze, Ep. 180; Labbe, v. 507) which he was said to have delivered by way of paean (Bright u. s. 176) and `the scarcely less scandalous0' sermon (ib.) can have been written by him. `To treat it as genuine would be to vilify Theodoret.0' `The Fathers of the Council0' writes Dr. Newman `are no authority on such a matter0' (Hist. Sketches p. 359). A painful suspicion of their genuineness, however, still lingers and troubles our conception of Theodoret. The documents may have been garbled, but the general tone too much resembles that of undisputed polemical writings of Theodoret's to allow us entirely to repudiate them. We wish we could. Neander (vol. iv. p. 13, note, Clark's tr.) is inclined to accept the genuineness of the letter, the arguments against which he does not regard as carrying conviction, and to a large extent deriving their weight from Tillemont's `Catholic standpoint.0' That Theodoret should speak in this manner of Cyril's character and death cannot, he thinks, appear surprising to those who, without prejudice, contemplate Cyril and his relations to Theodoret. The playful description, after the manner of Lucian, of a voyage to the Shades below, is not to be reckoned a very sharp thing even in Theodoret. The advice to put a heavy stone over his grave to keep Cyril down is sufficient proof that the whole is a bitter jest. The world felt freer now Cyril was gone; and he does not shrink from telling a friend that he could well spare him. `The exaggeration of rhetorical polemics requires many grains of allowance.0'" Canon Venables. Dict. Christ. Biog. iv.
Megapenthes begs hard of Clotho to let him go back again, but Cyniscus the philosopher, who professes great delight at having died at last, refuses to get into the boat. "No; by Zeus, not till we have bound this fellow here, and set him on board, for I am afraid he will get over you by his entrearies."
(706 )This letter may be dated from Nicerte in the autumn of 450 when Abundius was at Constantinople on a mission from Leo, after the failure to get Theodosius to agree to the summary of the Council in the West. Theodosius died a few days after the arrival of the envoys at Constantinople. Theodoret is anxious to encourage the Roman Legates to support the orthodox cause in the Imperial city, to repair the mischief caused by the Latrocinium, and to show the court that he and his friends Ibas and Aquilinus had the support of Leo. Abundius, fourth bishop of Como (450-469) represented Leo at Chalcedon. Manzoni, in the Promessi Sposi, reminds us of the local survival of the name.
(708 )After all the storms of controversy and quarrel which we have followed in the course of the dialogues and letters of the Blessed Bishop of Cyrus; after the lurid leap of grim pleasantry which, if not actually penned by Theodoret, indicates a temper that must have often shown itself in these troubled times; there is something pathetic and encouraging in the concilatory conclusion of this last letter. Cyril has been dead for years, and his weaknesses are forgotten in a confession which his more moderate opponents could accept. The subscription of Theodoret to the tome of Leo is an earnest of harmony and concord. The calmer wisdom of the West asserts the truth which underlay the furious disputes of the subtler East. The last word of the drama is Peace.
(9 )Varro. M. Terentius Varro the "most learned of the Romans" (died b.c. 28) published among other things a series of "portraits of seven hundred remarkable personages" (Ramsay in Smith's Dictionary).
(22 )Apocryphal. For literature on apocryphal works see Ante-Nic. Fath. ed. Coxe (N. Y. Chr. Lit. Co.,) vol. 9 pp. 95 sq. The Acts, Gospel, Preaching and Revelation are mentioned by Eusebius. The Judgment was added by Jerome.
This last has been much discussed of late in connection with the recently discovered Teaching of the Twelve. The identification of the Teaching with the Judgment is credited to Dr. von Gebhardt (Salmon in Smith and Wace Dict. v. 4 (1887) pp. 810-11). The recent literature of it is immense. Compare Schaff, Oldest Church Manual, and literature in Ante-Nic. Fath. vol. 9 pp. 83-86.
(23 )The textual variations on the chapter are numerous enough but none of them are sustained by the better mss. e.g. "First Simon Peter" "Simon Peter the Apostle" "Peter the Apostle" ..."Called canonical" ..."are considered apocryphal" ..."the whole city."
(40 )from the mouth of the lion, and again shortly "The Lord delivered me" (substantially) A H 25 30 31 a e etc.; omit T. Her. There are slight variations; God H 21 Bamb Bern. Norimb.; I was delivered Val. Cypr. Tam. Par 1512 etc.
(45 )Died in Salamis 53 (Ceillier Papebroch), 56 (Braunsberger), 61 (Breviarum romanum), 76 (Nirschl). The discussion of the date of his death is a good deal mixed up with the question of the authenticity of the work.
(67 )The date of Hermas depends on what Hermas is supposed to be the author. He is supposed to be 1 the Hermas of the New Testament, or 2 the brother of Pius I (139-54) or 3 a still later Hermas. All these views have distinguished advocates, but this view of Jerome taken from Origen through Euse bius is not much accepted.
(82 )Bishop 91 or 2-101. Died 110 (Euseb. Ch. Hist.) It is by no means certain that Clemens Romanus is the Clemens mentioned in the New Testament. Compare discussions by Salmon in Smith and Wace, and M'Giffert in his translation of Eusebius.
(190 )Constantius this is supposed to be an evident slip for Constantinus (Compare Venables in Smith and Wace Dict. v. 2, p. 383) but if there is confusion with Eustathius of Sebaste as suggested above possibly the latter's deposition by Constantius is referred to. But the difficulty remains almost as great.
(215 )Deer, This title has given rise to a good deal of conjecture. Fabricius's conjecture that it referred to certain games held on the Kalends of January is doubted by Vallarsi, but appears to have been really acute, from the fact that two mss. read "The deer [Cervulus] on the Kalends of January and against other pagan games."
(250 )There are many brief additions to the chapter on Jerome himself, the most common one (b.c. D I S V W X Y Z 1 2 4 5 6 7 9 11 12 14 15 17 19 20 21 26 27 28 33 42 m o p r t u v y z) being "Two books Against Jovinian and an Apology addressed to Pammachus." Some add also "and an Epitaphium." A and k give a long additional account of Jerome.
(3 )On penitence. A few mss. read "patience" for "penitence" but the only one which the translator has been able to find which gives both is one at Wolfenb_ttel dated 1460, nor is it in the earliest editions (e.g.) Nürn. Koburger 1495, Paris 1512). But the later editions (Fabricius, Herding) have both.
(22 )Trocheum. There is much controversy over the word, some maintaining that it should be Dittochaeon= "the double food or double testament" (Lock in Smith and Wace) or Diptychon. It is a description of a series of pictures from the Bible. The mss. read Trocheum a.e.; Troceum T 25; Trocetum 30: Trocleum A; Tropeum 31. A recent monograph on the subject has not yet come to hand.
(45 )St. Servais, Bishop of Tongres 338, died at Maestricht 384. The patron saint of Maestricht. Supposed by some to be the same as Phebadius (Faegadius, Phaebadius, Segatius, Sabadius Phiradius (called in Gascony Fiari)? bishop of Agen. Flourished 440 (Cave).
(66 )all he has written e T A 30 31 a Her.; 25 Fabr. add "wherefore on account of his much speaking Solomon's saying came true that `In the multitude of words there wanteth not sin.0'" This expression in the editions has been the ground of much comment on Gennadius' Semi-pelagian bias, but it almost certainly does not represent the original form of the text.
(68 )T 31 end thus; A omits and left ...abortions but adds a few lines of other matter; e adds differing matter; a adds remained a catholic; 30 adds remained a catholic and died in the same city - the city which is still called Hypporegensis; while 25 adds a vast amount.
(147 )since he began to inveigh against him too intemperately Norimb. and the eds., but the other mss. read "nevertheless" inveigh or "inveighs less" or "more" and "is found" for "inveigh." T 21 25 a Wolfenb. agree in reading in illo minus invenitur instead of in illum nimius inventur. Norimb has same with nimius instead of minus. The reading of T 21 25 a Wolfenb. thus reinforced and in view of the fact of the easy confusion of minus and nimius in transcribing, is the most probable reading, but it is hard to decide and harder still to make sense of it.
(150 )wrote ...Vienne is said to be in a certain manuscript of the Monastery of "St. Michaelis de Tumba" but is omitted by A T 25 30 31 a e 21 Bamb. Bern. etc etc. and certainly does not belong in text. It is left in brackets above because given in the editions.
(168 )This chapter is in Norimb. and three only of the mss. seen by the translator N. British Museum Harl. 3155, xv cent.; 43 Wolfenbüttel 838 xv cent.; k Paris B. N. Lat. 896. It is omitted by A T 25 30 31 a e 21 etc. etc. etc. and really has no place in the text, but as it was early introduced and is in the editions (not however the earliest ones) it is given here.
(173 )From this point to the end is bracketed, as a large part of the mss. end with John of Antioch. Of our mss. Gelasius and Gennadius are contained in 25 30 e², Honoratus to Pomerius in A 30 31 e² 40.
(1 )"He came in with a slow and stately step; he spoke with a broken utterance, sometimes with a kind of disjointed sobs rather than words. He had a pile of tomes upon the table; and then, with a frown and a contraction of the nostrils, and his forehead wrinkled up, he snapped his fingers to call the attention of his audience. What he said had no depth in it; but he criticized others, and pointed out their defects, as though he would exclude them from the Senate of Christian teachers. He was rich, and entertained freely, and many flocked round him in his public appearances. He was as luxurious as Nero at home, as stern as Cato abroad; as full of contradictions as the Chimaera."
(4 )This is a mistaken reading (though said by Vallarsi to be accepted by both Ambrose and Augustin), Cilicium for eliki. Rufinus adopts the latter. "Binding his ass's colt to the tendril of the vine."
(5 )The word in the text rucinnulos is unknown in Latin. The most likely conjecture as to the right reading is ruscarias quibus (that is ruscarias falculas - sickles for weeding out butcher's broom, as mentioned by Cato and Varro).
(6 )Capreolos. Properly little goats, thus used for the props, the fork of which resembled the horns of the goat. The word is also used for the tendrils of the vine, and is by some derived from capio.
(1 )Rufinus was deceived as was the whole world until the revival of learning, in believing this fabrication to be the work of Clement. It is really a romance in the form of an autobiography of Clement, supposed to be addressed to James of Jerusalem; and was written probably in Asia Minor or Syria about a.d. 200. See Article "Clementine Literature" in Dict. of Ch. Biog.
(8 )There seem to be no means of throwing light upon this story. Hilary was not at the council of Ariminum, but at that of Seleucia, held the same year (359). On his return to Gaul in 361 he endeavoured, in various meetings of bishops to reunite with the Homoousians those who had subscribed the creed of Ariminum. (See Art. on Hilary Pictav. in Dict. of Christ. Biography.) It may have been in one of these meetings that this scene occurred.
(9 )This was in 382, the year after the Council of Constantinople. Jerome had come from Constantinople to Rome with the Eastern Bishops Epiphanius of Salamis in Cyprus and Paulinus of Antioch. His position at Rome is described in the words of his letter (cxxiii) to Ageruchia, c. 10. "I was assisting Damasus in matters of ecclesiastical literature, and answering the questions discussed in the Councils of the East and the West."
(12 )This is believed to refer to Epiphanius, whose anti-Origenistic sermon at Jerusalem in the year 394 greatly irritated the Bishops John and Rufinus. See Jerome Ep. li, and "Against John of Jerusalem," c. 14.
(2 )The Scorpion is Jerome's name for Rufinus, especially after his death. He means that Rufinus had altered the too palpable expresslons of heresy, so that the more subtle expressions of it might gain acceptance.
(1 )Rufinus uses the word "parentes." Jerome in his Apology (ii, 2) scoffs at the notion that a man of Rufinus' age (about 55) could have parents living, and supposes that he is making a false suggestion by using the word in the sense in which it was vulgarly used - that of relations generally, as it is now used in French.
(2 )Traducem, properly, the layer, by which the vine is propagated, and hence the medium through which life is communicated. This is the theory of the "traducianists" who thus made the soul to be derived from the parent by procreation. It is contrasted with that of the "creationists" who held that each soul was separately created, and infused into the child at the moment when life began.
(7 )Bp. of Aquileia at the time of this Apology and maintaining friendly relations with both Jerome and Rufinus. (Ruf. Pref. to Eusebius in this Volume. Jer. Ep. vii, lx. 19, Pref. to Bks. of Solomon &c. &c.)
(30 )Of Alexandria. He was at first friendly to Origenism, afterwards bitterly opposed to it. John wrote to him complaining of the conduct of Epiphanius. and explaining his own views. See Jerome's letter (lxxxii) to Theophilus, and his Treatise Against John of Jerusalem. In the latter of these charges occur like those here noticed by Rufinus.
(42 )The words are not quoted literally from Jerome's letter to Pammachius and Oceanus (Ep. lxxxiv. c. 2) the passage referred to; but they give the sense fairly well. See also the letter to Vigilantius (lxi. c. 2).
(63 )Regulas confusionis fidei. Another reading is Confessionis. But probably Rufinus meant to give point to his expression by substituting for the well known words "Rule of faith" "Rule of confusion of faith."
(33 )The word "Dei" has crept in, apparently, wrongly. If it stands the meaning would be, `To whom you were teaching the word of God,0' or the allusion may be to Ps. xlv, 10, with which the Letter to Eustochium begins, `Hearken O daughter so shall the King desire thy beauty.0'
(48 )These games took place at Rome each February in honour of Lupercus the god of fertility. Two noble youths, after a sacrifice of goats and dogs, ran almost naked about the city with thongs cut from the skins, a stroke from which was believed to impart fertility to women.
(66 )This change of the gourd for the ivy forms the ground. work of a curious story told by Augustine, to which no doubt Rufinus here alludes See Ep. civ, 5 of the collection of Jerome's letters. Augustin Letter lxxi.
(2 )Ps. lxviii, 23 Jerome's version is here, as in many cases unintelligible through a perverse literalism and an incorrect Hebrew text. In our Revised Version it stands: "That the tongue of thy dogs may have its portion from thine enemies."
"Sic Pater ille Deum faciat, sic altus Apollo,
Incipias conferre manum."
Expediunt, fessti rerum.
(13 )See this question fully argued out by Lightfoot in the Diet. of Christian Biography, Art. Eusebius of C`saria. He says: "The Defence of Origen was the joint work of Pamphilus and Eusebius:" and "Jerome's treatment of thismatter is a painful exhibition of disingenuousness, &c." See De V. Ill. lxxv.
(16 )"The existence of a work which consisted mainly of extracts from Origen with Comments, and of which he was only the joint author, is quite reconcilable with this statement. Indeed, the very form of the expression in the original, corresponding to `ipse quidem0' `proprii0' was probably chosen so as to exclude this work of compilation and partnership." Lightfoot, Art. Eusebius of Caesarea, in Dict. of Christian Biography.
(57 )Asinius Pollio was a rival of Cicero. It seems that some detractor of Jerome boasted that he was of the race of the Cornelii. See Comm. on Jonah iv, 6. "A certain Cantherius, of the most ancient race of the Cornelii, or, as he boasts, of the stock of Asinius Pollio, is said to have accused me at Rome long ago for havin translated `ivy0' instead of `gourd.0'"
(76 )The allusion is to Jerome's letter (LXIX) on the case of Carterius a Spanish Bishop, who had been married before his baptism, and, his wife having died, had married again. Oceanus argued that he was to be condemned. Jerome contended in his favour, regarding his first marriage as part of the old life obliterated by baptism.
(7 )Ex traduce, that is, from a laver like that of the vine, This emibodies the view that the soul is derived, with the body, from the parent. There is no English word for the process; and since the word Traducianism is used to express the theory, `Traduction0' is used here to express the process.
(17 )Is. xlvii, 14, Is. xlvii, 15. "There shall not be a coal to warm at nor fire to sit before it. Thus shall they be unto thee for whom thou hast laboured." A. V. in almost exact agreement with Vulgate. Jerome must have quoted memoritet from an older version.
(30 )Though Jerome here speaks as if the question had been determined by church authority, the perusal of his correspondence with Augustin (Jerome's Letters 126, 131, 134) shows that he was in the same perplexity as Rufinus, but less ingenuous in confessing it.
(60 )The passage is explained by Jerome's own words in the commentary on Is. lxiv. "Certain silly women in Spain, and especially in Lusitania, have been deceived into accepting as truth the marvels of Basilides and Balsaneus' treasury, and even of Barbelo and Leusiboras." Jerome goes on to add that Irenaeus in explaining the origin of many heresis pointed out that the Gnostics deceived many noble women of the parts of Gaul about the Rhone, and afterwards those of Spain, framing a system partly of myths partly of immorality, and calling their folly by the name of philosophy. See also, Ep. Jer. Letter 120 to Hedibia, and Com. on Amos cf. III.
(61 )That is Ptolemy commonly known as the son of Lagus, but the reputed son of Philip of Macedon by Arsinoë Philip's concubine. He reigned over Egypt from b.c. 323-285. He was a great patron of learning, and, according to traditions current among the fathers, wishing to adorn his Alexandrian library with the writings of all nations, he requested the Jews of Jerusalem to furnish him with a Greek version of their Scriptures, and thus originated the Septuagint.
(63 )Aristeas was an officer of Ptolemy Philadelphus, son and successor of Ptolemy Lagus. The so-called letter of Aristeas to his brother Philocrates is still extant in Hody's De bibliorum Textibus Originalbus, etc. (Oxon. 1705), and separately in a small volume published art Oxford 1692.
(31 )lsidore, the Origenist monk who was sent to inquire into the quarrel between Jerome and John of Jerusalem. His letter written to John and Rufinus prejudging the case, was brought by mistake to Jerome's friend Vincentius. See Jerome Against John of Jerusalem c. 37.
(44 )A parody upon the verse of Virgil and Ennius on Fabius Maximus called Cunctator because by his tactics of delay he saved Rome from the Carthaginians. "Thou art Maximus (greatest) who savedst the state by delaying (cunctando)."
(1 )Nothing is known of this Pope Laurentius. The title "Papa," at first Riven to Bishops promiscuously, was not yet restricted to the Bishop of Rome. Gregory VII., in a Council held at Home in 1073, forbade it to be given to any other.
(10 )Compare Cyril's words, Quod omnium teneat potentatum - Lordship over all; o pantokratwr, o pantwn kratwn, o pantwn ecousiazwn. (Catcech., 8, §3). Rufinus evidently had St. Cyril's exposition in view here as repeatedly elsewhere.
(14 )Baruch iii. 35-37. Baruch is not specified by name in Rufinus's list of the Canonical books, but it is in Cyril's, as though a part of Jeremiah, "Jeremiah, with Baruch, and the Lamentations and the Epistle." (Catech. 4, §36.)
(28 )The fable of the Phoenix was very generally believed in the ancient Church, and was used as an illustration both of the Virgin-birth, as here, and of the Resurrection. Cyril of Jerusalem (xviii. 8), whom Rufinus evidently had in view. refers to it as a providentially designed confirmation of the latter. Possibly the Septuagint translation of Ps. xcii. 12, "The righteous shall flourish as a palm tree," wj foinic may have been thought to sanction the fable. On the Literature connected with the Phoenix, see Bp. Jacobson's edition or the Apostolical Fathers, Clemens Romanus, Ep. i. §25, note, p. 104.
(138 )"The Creed" is either the Constantinopolitan, or, more probably, that of Jerusalem, with which Rufinus, as a Presbyter of that church, must have been familiar. There is no reason to suppose that the clause was in the Creed of Aquileia.
(153 )Mittendarium, "Mittendarii, Palatini qui in sacro Palatio militabant, et in provincias extraordinarie mittebantur, a Principe, ut eorum mandata perferrent." Officers the Palace, who were sent into the provinces by the on extraordinary occasions, as bearers of his orders - sarium Manuale ex Magnis Glossariis Du Fresne, etc.
(1 )Or man of steel: (it might also be translated, The indomitable); a name given to Origen, an account of the greatness of his labours. It is said by Westcott Dict. of Xtn. Biog. "Origen") to have been adopted by Origen himself, and to form part of his real name.