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Internal Evidence for the Authenticity and Genuineness of St. John's Gospel, Part II.

TN considering this question three points will be taken in succession. I shall endeavour to show:—

I. That the writer was intimately acquainted with the language, customs, ideas, geography and history of Palestine at the time which he describes.

Inference. He was not only a Jew, but a Palestinian Jew; not a Hellenist, but a Hebrew. And most probably too he was a contemporary. For the double destruction of Jerusalem— by Titus and by Hadrian—had caused a dislocation, a discontinuity, in the history of the Jews, which it would be difficult to bridge over by one writing after the occurrence of the second of these events.

II. That the narrative bears on its face the credentials of its authenticity. It is precise, circumstantial, natural in the highest degree.

Inference. It is the work of an eyewitness.

III. That it contains indications—the more convincing because they are unobtrusive—(a) that the author was the Apostle St John; (/9) that the book was written at the time and under the circumstances, under which tradition reports it to have been written, i.e. at Ephesus, towards the close of the first century after Christ.

These, then, are the three stages in the argument:—

(1) The writer was a Hebrew, probably a contemporary.

(2) The writer was an eyewitness.

(3) The writer was St John (and as a subsidiary matter, St John writing under peculiar circumstances).

L

The Writer Was A Hebrew, Probably A Contemporary.

The main heads of this division of the argument are as follows:—

r. His knowledge of the Jewish language.

2. His knowledge of Jewish ideas, traditions, expectations, modes of thought, etc.

3. His knowledge of external facts, the history, geography, names and customs of the Jewish people.

1. THE WRITER'S KNOWLEDGE OF THE JEWISH LANGUAGE.

This is shown (i) indirectly, by his own Greek style; (ii) directly, by his interpretation of Hebrew words and his quotations from Hebrew Scriptures.

(i) The writer's indirect knowledge of Hebrew shown by his

Greek style.

I spoke of the Jewish language; but what is meant by this? There are two languages with which a Palestinian Jew might be familiar:—

(1) The Hebrew—the sacred language, the language of the Old Testament.

(2) The Aramaic—the colloquial language, the language of common life.

He would necessarily know the second, not necessarily know the first.

The Hebrew of the New Testament is Aramaic. This is the meaning of 'Efipaiarl in such passages as John v. 2; xix. 13,17; xx. 16. The forms quoted as Hebrew (Talitha cumi, Maran atlia) are Aramaic. This is no doubt the language of the inscription on the cross (John xix. 20), and of St Paul's speech on the templestairs (Acts xxi. 40).

It is a common error to suppose that Aramaic is a corrupt form of Hebrew. This is quite wrong. The Shemitic family of languages has three main languages, one of which—Arabic— may be neglected for our purpose, leaving Hebrew and Aramaic. Of these, Aramaic, the language of Aram (Syria) [the highland ?], has, as its dialects, Syriac, Chaldee, Assyrian (the cuneiform inscriptions). On the other hand, Hebrew, the language of Canaan [the low-lands ?], was originally the language of Phoenicians and Canaanites, the people on the coast.

Which then was the language of the Jewish nation at the beginning of the Christian era?

Abraham comes from Ur of the Chaldees, and therefore would naturally speak an Aramaic language. But he settles in Palestine among the Canaanites, adopts a Canaanite language, and speaks what we call Hebrew. Hence the incident in Gen. xxxi. 47, 48. The 'heap of witness' is called by Laban 'JegarSahadutha,' by Jacob ' Galeed.' Thus the descendants of Terah in the third generation speak two languages. The grandson of Nahor retains his Aramaic, while the grandson of Abraham has adopted Hebrew. This is what we should expect, and is an incidental testimony to the credibility of the Mosaic narrative. After the return from the Babylonian captivity the Jews gradually merged their own Hebrew language in Aramaic, but the name'Hebrew'was transferred to the adopted language. Thus the Jews returned apparently to what was the language of their ancestors. How they came by this Aramaic—whether it was the dialect of their Chaldean masters, or the dialect of the people who overran their land during their absence, or a mixture of both—we need not stop to enquire.

At the time of our Lord the natives of Palestine were bilingual; they spoke Greek and Aramaic. At least this was the case in a great part of the country, more especially in the towns and populous districts, the centres of commerce1, such as the lake of Galilee and Jerusalem. In this respect the Palestinian Jew resembled a Welshman on the border-land, a Fleming in the neighbourhood of the half-French towns of Flanders, a Bohemian in Prague.

Now apply this to the case of the Apostle St John. John was not a man of the lowest class socially. He was a native of Bethsaida, and had connexions or friends in high quarters at Jerusalem (xviii. 16). He would be able to understand and speak Greek from his boyhood, possibly even to write it. But he would think in Aramaic. Aramaic would mould the form of his thoughts*.

Take the case of a person writing in a language which was not the common language of his daily life, not his mother-tongue. What would be the phenomena, which his style would present? The two parts of a language, in which a person writing in a foreign tongue is apt to be at fault, are the vocabulary and the syntax. As regards vocabulary, we should not expect great luxuriance of words, a copious command of synonyms for instance. In the matter of syntax, we should not look for a mastery of complex and involved syntax, or of sustained and elaborate periods.

Now apply this to the Fourth Gospel.

1. The Vocabulary. The words in this Gospel are very few; probably much fewer than in any other portion of the New Testament of the same length.

1 See Boberts, Distertationi on the fellow townsmen Andrew and Philip,

Go$pelt, whose view however ia per- is strictly in accordanoe with proba

haps somewhat exaggerated. bilities. It is a significant fact that

s The incident given in John xii. they both bear Greek names. 20—22, relating to his friends and

(a) We meet with constant repetition of the same words: e.g. yivwaiteiv (57 times), Koafios (79 times), 7rio-tt?, iriareveiv (99 times), £o)ij, %fjv, £tooTroieiv (55 times), jxaprvpia, fiaprvpeiv (47 times); irpofiarov occurs in the tenth chapter alone 15 times; *do-/xo9 occurs in the seventeenth chapter alone 18 times1.

(6) We find not only the same words, but the same phrases: e.g. epxe<rdtu, 6 'n-e/i.'^ra? fie, diroariWeiv, Karafiaiveiv £k (dirb) Tov ovpavov—all used of Christ's Incarnation, etc.*.

2. The Syntax. On the extreme simplicity of the Fourth Gospel in this respect, I shall have to speak later. This characteristic of the writer is well expressed by Heinsius, who describes him thus, In sermone a<piXeia: in sensibus est {tyo?8. The absence of periods is particularly noticeable, and is without a parallel in the New Testament.

Thus much, generally, of one writing in another language than his mother tongue. Now to come to the special case of one accustomed to speak in a Shemitic tongue, and obliged to write in an Aryan; of one familiar with (say) Aramaic, the conversational, spoken language, and Hebrew, the sacred language; but writing in Greek. Both these languages present striking contrasts with Greek In these Shemitic tongues there is little or no syntax. This is due partly to

(1) The absence of moods, inflexions, etc.

(2) The paucity of connecting particles.

On this last point, which is of special importance, one example will suffice.

(1) Paucity of connecting particles.

The 1 is used equally for opposition and for simple connexion; in Hebrew and Aramaic it stands for 'but' as well as 'and.' The extent of this use is best shown by the variety of particles which are employed under it in the Authorised Version of the Old Testament.

1 These calculations are based upon 3 See Luthardt i. p. 31 sq.

Luthardt £><u Johamuische Evangelium 'Quoted by Luthardt I. p. 28.

i. p. 27 (1852).

Thus in Deut. i . (taken at hap-hazard) 1 is translated 'so' vv. 15, 43, 46; 'then' v. 29; 'yet' v. 32; 'but' v. 40; and with 1&, 'notwithstanding' v. 26.

Again in 1 Kings xii. (again taken at hap-hazard) it is rendered 'but' vv. 8, 17, 22; 'so' vv. 12, 33; 'so when' v. 16; 'wherefore'vv. 15, 19; 'then' vv. 18, 25; 'whereupon' v. 28; * that' v. 3. There are thirty-three verses in this chapter, and all the verses but vv. 4, 23, 27 (i.e. thirty verses out of thirtythree), begin with \ Of the remaining three, two are beginnings of speeches, and therefore necessarily are asyndeta.

Indeed in the later Aramaic, Greek particles (dWd, 8e, and afterwards nAv) were deliberately introduced to supply the deficiency*.

Consequently, in these languages sentences are not subordinated, but coordinated;'hence,' as Winer describes it',' the very limited use of conjunctions (in which classical Greek is so rich), the uniformity in the use of the tenses, the want of the periodic compactness which results from the fusion of several sentences into one principal sentence, and along with this the sparing use of participial constructions, so numerous and diversified in classical Greek.' The result is an entire absence of periods, producing a monotony of expression, which however is most impressive.

The character of the Greek language was quite different. Greek writers distinguished two styles:

(1) The periodic (Karearpafifiemi);

(2) The disjointed (BirjprjpAvtj), or 'jointed' (elpopAin}). See Aristot. Rhet. iii. 9, rr)v Xel-iv avdr/Krj elvat, rj elpop.evr/v xal T$ awBeaftw niai'...fj Kareo-rpap.pAvr]v....Xeya> 8e eipofieinjv fj ov&ev e^« teXos itad' avrrjv, av p,r) To Trpayfia Xeyofievov rekeuo67J...Kar€arpaf>iftevrj Be rj iv irepioo'ois' Xiyto Be irepioBov Xeljiv eyovaav dp^rjv xal reXevrrjv avrrjp Kaff avr-fjv Kal fieyedos evavvoiTrov.

1 This strange lack of particles, trated likewise by Coptic, which seem to us indispensable to 3 Winer Grammar of tf. T. Greek

express our simplest thoughts, is illus- p. 33 (Moulton's translation).

In the infancy of the language the earlier prose writers Hecataeus and Herodotus exhibit the elpotievri; the later, when a mastery over the language had been attained, the Kcneorpajijievr]. Now, Hebrew and Aramaic do not lend themselves to the Karearpap.p.evrj, the genius of the languages necessitating the elpofievrj. Hence, as a rule, the general simplicity of the New Testament writers, who either spoke Aramaic, or derived their materials from Aramaic sources. The exceptions are the cases of those who commonly spoke Greek, and did not speak Aramaic at all, as St Luke in the prologue to his Gospel (for where he is using documents, the case is different), and the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews.

This simple, jointed style, is seen in its extreme form in St John. In fact, no greater contrast can be exhibited in this respect than the prologue of St John when compared with the prologue of St Luke. The sentences are strung together, where they are not altogether asyndeta. There is no attempt at periodicity. The ita\ takes the place of the \ and has almost as wide a range, connecting together not only independent, but dependent, and even opposite and contrasted clauses1. I give a few examples of this:

John i. 1, 4, 5, 10, 14, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 34; ii. 1, 3, 4, 8, 12-16; iii. 11, 12, 13, 14; iv. 11, 40, 41; vi. 17; vii. 26, 28, 33, 34; ix. 18,19; x. 3, 9, 12, 14-16, 22, 27, 28, 39-41; xiv. 23, 24; xv. 6; xvi . 22, 32; xvii. 1, 8, 10, 11 (six times in three lines); xix. 34, 35.

For instances where ita\ introduces an opposition, with the meaning of 'and yet,' 'nevertheless,' see John i. 5, 10; iii. 10, 11, 19, 32; iv. 20; v. 40; vi. 70; vii. 4, 19, 26, 30; viii. 49, 55; ix. 30, 34 etc.

A single instance would occur here and there in classical Greek as in any other language; but it is the frequency of occurrence in the Fourth Gospel which betrays the HebraeoAramaic mould in which the diction is cast.

1 See the references in Wilkii Clavis N. T. (ed. Grimm, 1868, >. v. xal p. 215).

(e) Repetition of the same phrase in successive clauses, e.g. iii. 31 (o mv e/e rij? yfj< ; e'/t rfj<; yrj<i earlv icai eK rrj<; yij< ; XaXel); cf. viii. 14, 23, 24, x. 18, xi. 9 sq. etc . etc.

(/) Taking up a word or expression from the preceding sentence; e.g. x. 11 (iym elju 6 rroiftrjv 6 /mXo?- 6 troiiir^v 0 /ea\o? Tt]v yfrv)(T]v avrov ridriaiv K.t.x.); cf. i. 1, iii. 32, 33, xvii. 2, 3 etc. etc.

(4) Preference of the direct over the oblique narrative in relating the words of another.

In some instances these will be the precise words themselves; in others only an approximation, and in this latter case the direct narrative is only a different way of expressing what we express by the oblique. Thus we find the narrator himself relating the words or surmises of a crowd, where from the nature of the case the exact words cannot be reproduced; or we find persons referring back to their own words or the words of another, and not always reproducing the exact expressions. Examples of all these varieties are very common, see the narrative of the Samaritan woman in ch. iv. (esp. w. 17, 27, 33); of the sick man healed in ch. v. (esp. vv. 11, 12); the conversation in ch. vi. (esp. vv. 41, 42); cf. vii . 11 sq., 35, 36, 40 sq., viii. 22, ix. 8 sq., 23 sq., 40 sq., x. 20, 36, 41, xi. 31, 36, 37, xii. 19 sq. etc. etc.

(5) The arrangement of words in the sentence, especially the precedence of the verb, e.g. i. 40—47 (ifp 'AvBpea<;...evpio-Kei Ojto?...rjyayev avrov...eftfi\etfra<; avr&...\eyei avrfi 6 'lrjaovs ...ijv Be 0 <$>l nros...evpio-Kei <Pi rrro<;...ical elirev avrw Na8avar]\...\eyei avrtS 6 <I>iXt7r,7ro?...e2Sef 'I^aov?). This is noticeably the case with the expression \iyei avrw, e.g. iv. 7—26, xi. 34, 35, 39 sq. etc. etc .

(6) Other grammatical and lexical peculiarities.

(a) The superfluous pronoun (1) after a relative, representing the Heb. "IBW which is indeclinable, e.g. i. 12 (Saot Be eKafiov avrov, SBmtev airot<;)', v. 38 (hv direareCKev e/teti'o? rovrtp ifieh ov Triorevere); cf. i. 33, vii. 38, xvii. 2, xviii. 9, 11 etc. etc. (2) after nouns or participles, e.g. i. 18 (fiovoyevfif 8eb<; 6 wv eh Tov Kokttov Tov irarpbs iKeivos i^rjy^aaro); v. 11 (o irovqawi fie vyii] exeiiw fioi ehrev '"Apov Tov KpafHarrbv Gov); cf. vi. 46, vii. 18, 38, x. 1, xiv. 21, 26, xv. 5, etc. etc. This construction, it is true, occurs in classical Greek, but the point to be noticed is the extreme frequency of the usage in the Fourth Gospel.

(6) The characteristic Hebraism ira?...ov (jifj) occurs three times in this gospel; iii. 16, vi. 39, xii. 46.

(c) The frequent use of "va in St John, especially as the complement of a demonstrative pronoun, is probably to be explained by the flexibility of the Aramaic *3- Instances are i 27, iv. 34, vi. 29, 40, viii. 56, xi. 50, xiii. 34, xv. 8, 12, 13, 17, xvi. 7, 33, xvii. 3, 24 (see Winer § xliv. p. 425 ed. Moulton). In every one of these passages a Greek would probably have expressed himself differently.

(d) The use of avdptoiro? for Tis, e.g. v. 7. Kvpie, avdptoirov Ovk e^w), vii. 22, 23 (iv GafijSartp Trepirefivere avdpeoirov el irepirop.r/v Xap.jSdvei avdpwiros K.t.x.); cf. viii. 40, ix. 16 etc. This represents a thoroughly characteristic use of JJ>*X, see Gesenius 8. v.

(e) The transition from the dependent to the independent clause, e.g. i. 32 (redeapui To irvevp.a Karafiaivov.. .ko.1 ep,eivev eV avrov); cf. xi. 44 (Winer § lxiii. p. 717 ed. Moulton). This transition however appears in other New Testament writers also, and cannot be pressed into an argument.

(/) The frequent recurrence of the expressions els Tov ala>va, especially with a negative, e.g, iv. 14, vi. 51, 58, viii. 35, 51, 52, x. 26, xi. 28, xii 34, xiii. 8, xiv. 16; and the use of eit Tov al<ovos ix. 32.

(g) Other Hebraisms are: i. 13 (alfiarwv), 15, 30 (irp&ros fiov, cf. xv. 18), iii. 29 (xaP$ Xa'P")> yii- 33, xii. 35, xiv. 19 (ert fiixpov, cf. xvi. 16, 17, 19), iv. 23 (epxerai &pa Kai vvv io-riv), xi . 4 (ovk eo-riv 7rpo? ddvarov, cf. xvi. 20), iv. 26, viii. 24, 28, xiii. 19, xviii. 5, 6 (eyw elfii), x. 24 (ea>? irore), xviii. 37 (ail Xeyeis).

(7) Iviagery, secondary senses of words etc.

This displays a thoroughly Hebrew, or at least Oriental, colouring. The simple facts in life are used to convey deep spiritual truths. Nature and history become signs (avfieta) of the heavenly and the eternal. Instances of this figurative treatment are to be found in the Evangelist's use of the following words and phrases; d\qdeia i. 14, 17, iii. 21; Sofa i. 14, ii. 11, xii. 41; vBwp ^a>v iv. 10, 13; icoiXia vii. 38; £a»} v. 24; To fidpva vi. 31; apro< i vi. 32; To irorrjpiov xviii. 11; vyfra>Ooi}, eXitvaa xii. 32.

If the special Hebraisms, or Aramaisms, are few, this is unimportant: for the whole casting of the sentences, the whole colouring of the language, is Hebrew.

In short, it is the most Hebraic book in the New Testament, except perhaps the Apocalypse. The Greek is not ungrammatical Greek, but it is cast in a Hebrew mould. It is what no native Greek would have written. As Grotius puts it, Sermo Graecus qaidem, sed plane adumbratus ex Syriaco illius saeculi (quoted in Liicke11, p. 172). On the general accord of recent writers on this point, see Sanday Authorship of the Fourth Gospel, p. 28".

On the other hand, there are no classicisms; not a single sentence, I believe, from first to last which suggests in the smallest degree acquaintance with classical literature.

In this respect the writer presents a great contrast to St Luke, and even to St Paul, e.g. Luke i. 1 sq.; 2 Cor. vi. 14 sq.

(ii) The writer's direct knowledge of Hebrew.

1. The quotations from the Old Testament.

The quotations are a valuable criterion of the position of a writer.

1 Commentar Bier dot Evangelium is purer than that of the Synoptiats.' dts Johannes (1840). If purer in one sense, yet it is more

3 Mr Sanday (L e.) says 1 The Greek Hebraic

The quotations in St Paul show a knowledge of the Old Testament in Hebrew. He frequently quotes the LXX, but in other passages he is as plainly indebted to the original. On the other hand, the quotations in the Epistle to the Hebrews are all derived from the LXX. There are no distinct traces of a knowledge of the original.

What are the facts in St John's case?1 The quotations in St John are not very numerous. Moreover they are often free quotations; so free that we cannot say whether they were taken from the Hebrew or the Greek. But there is a residuum of passages, which are decisive, and certainly cannot have been borrowed from the Greek.

(a) Passages certainly taken from the Hebrew.

(1) Zech. ix. 9 quoted in John xii. 14, 15 (see Turpie, p. 222).

The quotation is loose. Two points are noticeable. St John has 6 fiao-t\ev<i <tov epxerai. The LXX d y9atri\ei)<? epxerai <toi (but some edd. insert o-ov). The Heb. represents d fiao-iXev< ; aov ep%erai aoi, as in Matth. xxi. 5.

The other point is more important. St John has irmKov 8vov, which comes from the Hebrew, the LXX having Ttwxov veop, while St Matthew quotes the Hebrew still more literally, iirl irwXov vlbv viro^vylov.

(2) Zech. xii. 10 quoted in John xix. 37, oifrovrai ei? ov it-eitevrT)o-av (Turpie, p. 131).

This agrees with the Heb.'They shall look upon me whom they have pierced.' But the LXX is quite different, Koi iirifiXiyfrovrat Trpo? fie dvd' cSv itarwpxjqaavro, i.e. they shall look on me, because they have derided. The LXX evidently read Hp"1 for "HpTi and this reading is actually found in some MSS. of Kennicott and de Rossi. The LXX has not a single word in common with St John.

1 My investigation was made before 241 sq). I have derived much help I saw Bleek's Beitrlige, and agrees from Turpie The Old Tettament in the almost entirely with his results (p. New (1868).

On the reading 'unto me' and 'unto him,' which is read by many MSS., see de Rossi in. p. 217. Aquila, at least, of the other versions, seems to point to this reading. He renders avv <$. The Evangelist however, if he had "hit, would not unnaturally change the person from the first to the third to suit the connexion. Comp. Apoc. i. 7.

(3) Ps. xL 10 quoted in John xiii. 18 (Turpie, p. 55).

St John has 6 rptoymv fiov rov dprov iirrjpev eV ifik Ttjv -mepvav avrov. The LXX 6 iadltov a prow; fiov ifieyaXwev eV ifie rrrepvurfi.6v.

Here again there is hardly a word the same in the two translations. St John's is evidently a loose quotation taken from the Hebrew. The LXX translation has lost the meaning in endeavouring to render S*"7JPl. St John gives the more correct, though free, rendering. So Gesenius takes it (p. 266, ed. 1829); but Perowne ad loc. seems to think either interpretation admissible.

(4) Is. vi. 10 quoted in John xii. 40 (Turpie, p. 233).

It is a very free quotation. The LXX is quite different.

The point to be observed is the use of the active in St John r€rv<fj\WKev avrWU Toi)? 6<j)9a\fiov<; Kal ewtoptoaev avrwv rrjv Kaphiav. God Himself is represented as blinding, as hardening. This points to the Hebrew, which has also the active. But there it is imperative; and the change to the indicative is intelligible. As Symmachus translates *TMn, jfiKTl efidpvve, envae, it is quite possible that St John translated the same words rervipXmKev, hra>pmaev, perhaps from a mixture of Aramaic with Hebrew forma In the Syriac the imperative and 3rd pers. pret. are the same.

On the other hand, the LXX has adopted a precise form of the sentence, iira-xyvdri 17 icapBta K.t.x., evidently to get rid of a doctrine which was a stumbling-block. Symmachus seems likewise to have surmounted the difficulty, though in another way. He takes ntn Dj?n as the nominative, 6 Xao? Owto? ra wra efidpvvev Kal Toi)? 6<£#a\/xoi'? ainov ejivae K.t.x.

Now it is quite inconceivable that the writer of the Fourth Gospel, having only the LXX before him, should accidentally have reconverted it, and thus reintroduced the perplexity. The chances are a thousand-fold against it; and he would surely have shrunk from it.

It is noticeable too, that the other New Testament writers who quote the sentence (Matt. xiii. 14, 15 ; Acts xxviii. 26, 27), (mote it from the LXX. In Mark iv. 12, Luke viii. 10, this part of the quotation is omitted.

(5) Is. liv. 13 quoted in John vi. 45 (Turpie, p. 198).

This is a doubtful case. The Hebrew has 'And all thy sons (are) disciples of God,' St John ital eaovrat iravre? BiBaxrol 0eov. The LXX however attaches the sentence to what goes before, ital iravra< ; Tou? vlovs aov BiBaKrovi 0eoO. St John treats it as independent—so do the Targum, Ewald, Gesenius, in interpreting the Hebrew.

These passages then, except perhaps the last (5), are decisive. In no case could they be derived from the LXX.

But, it may be said, they came perhaps not from the original Hebrew, but from a Targum.

This admission is sufficient for my purpose, which is to show the direct acquaintance of the Evangelist with Hebrew writings.

(/9) Passages which may have come from either the Hebrew or the Septuagint.

In many cases it is doubtful whether a quotation was taken from the LXX or the Hebrew.

These instances divide themselves into three classes:—

(1) Where the Greek and Hebrew differ, but the quotation is too loose to allow of any inference. Examples of this are:

(a) Deut. xix. 15 quoted in John viii. 17 (Turpie, p. 49).

Here the LXX inserts irav; but St John paraphrases the whole sentence Bvo avQpdrrrwv 77 fiaprvpla. Thus the crucial point of difference is evaded.

(£) Exod. xii. 46 (Numb. ix. 12) quoted in John xix. 36 (Turpie, p. 31).

Here St John follows neither the Hebrew nor the LXX. But the passage intended to be quoted may be Ps. xxxiii. 21; in which case the Hebrew and LXX agree, and no inference can be drawn. Or St John may have had all three passages in his mind, and combined them in a loose way.

(2) Where the Greek and Hebrew agree, but the Greek is the obvious, or an obvious, rendering of the Hebrew; and no conclusion can be drawn. Examples:

(a) Ps. xxxiv. (xxxv.) 19, lxviii. (Ixix.) 5 0t , (iiaovvres fie Bwpeav. Comp. Ps. cviii. (cix.) 3, in John xv. 25 (Turpie, p. 30).

(f3) Ps. Ixix. (lxviii.) 10 quoted in John ii. 17 (Turpie, p. 29), where the Evangelist substitutes Kara^arferai for itare<payev.

(y) Ps. Ixxxii. (lxxxi.) 6 quoted in John x. 34 (Turpie, p. 4).

Or again, (3) The Greek and Hebrew agree, but the Greek is not an obvious rendering. Yet the Evangelist's quotation is not exact enough to warrant an inference. Examples:—

(a) Ps. lxxviii . (lxxvii.) 24 quoted in John vi . 31 (Turpie, p. 60).

The use of dprov however here in St John seems to show that he had the LXX rendering in mind, for this is apparently the only passage in the Old Testament where |jn is rendered by apros.

(£) Is. xl. 3 quoted in John i. 23 (Turpie, p. 219). Yet evdiivare (St John) for evdelas Troielre (LXX) looks like a direct derivation from the Hebrew, which has one word TlEPV not two, in the original. All the other Evangelists have evdeia< ; iroielre (Matt. Hi. 3; Mark i. 3; Luke iii. 4); and this makes the probability stronger.

(7) Passages almost certainly, or most probably, taken from

the LXX.

(1) Ps. xxi. 19 quoted in John xix. 24 (Turpie, p. 4). The LXX is a literal translation of the Hebrew; but the

probabilities are greatly against the Evangelist stumbling upon the same rendering word for word, more especially the opposition of Ifiaria and ifiariafios.

(2) Is. liii. 1 quoted in John xii. 38 (Turpie, p. 106). Again tbe LXX is a literal rendering of the Hebrew, for

Tivl as a rendering of *D~Sj7 can hardly be regarded as an exception. But the probabilities are against the whole combination of words being the same.

These are all the quotations from the Old Testament in St John, and the result at which we arrive is as follows:— The writer certainly derived several of his quotations from the Hebrew, or from an Aramaic Targum, not from the LXX.

On the other hand, he most probably took one or two from the LXX, though the evidence for the LXX is not so decisive as for the Hebrew. The majority of the passages prove nothing either way.

2. The writer s interpretation of Hebrew words.

(a) Rabbi, Rabbouni, i. 38 ('Pa/S/Set, o Xeyerai fiedepnrjvevofievov AiBdaicaXe), xx. 16 (FafijSovvei, b Xeyerai AtSao-/taXe). The longer form is the more impressive, the higher title; hence it is peculiarly adapted to the solemnity of the circumstances of Mary's recognition of the risen Lord. In this respect compare Mark x. 51, where again the circumstances are exceptional. These are the only two passages in the New Testament in which the form occurs; see Keim iii. p. 560,Buxtorf p. 2177 sq., Levy p. 401. The omission by St John of the interpretation of the pronoun 'my master' is to be explained by the fact that it had got attached to the word, as in Rabbi, and had ceased to have any distinct force: just as, by the reverse principle, 6 Kvpios is rendered in Syriac 'our Lord.'

(6) Messias, i. 41 (evprjicafiev Tov Meo-o-iav, o iariv tj,e6epixr/vev6p.ei'ov Xpto-roif), iv. 25. The word does not occur in the New Testament save in these two places.

(c) Cephas, i. 42 (K.ij<f>a<;, O epfirjveverai Uerpo<;). This title is only used by John and St Paul. Elsewhere, when the appellation is employed, the Greek form is preferred.

(d) Thomas, xx. 24, xxi. 2 (0a>/*a9, 6 Xeyop.evo<; AiBvp.o?). Thus St John takes care to let us know that the familiar name of this Apostle was merely a surname, 'twin.' There was an early tradition in the Syrian Church that Thomas' real name was Judas, e.g. Eus. H. E. i. 13 'lovBai 6 xal ©topi?, Acta Thomas i. 'lovBa ®wp,a T&> Kox Ai8t5/iw (ed. Tisch. p. 190), see Assemani Bibl. Orient. I. pp. 100, 318, Cureton's Syriac Gospels p. 1., Anc. Syr. Documents p. 32. In the Curetonian Syriac of John xiv. 22 'Judas Thomas' is substituted for 'Judas, not Iscariot.' As there were two other Apostles of this same name, some distinction would be necessary; and this we find was the case, one being called Lebbaeus, another Thomas, the third Iscariot.

(e) Siloam, ix. 7 (eh Ttjv KoXvfi&rJdpav Tov 2,ika>dfi, o epfirjveverai 'ATrearaXfiivo?). The word occurs in Isaiah viii. G rPB' (A. V. Shiloah), and signifies a 'conduit,' 'emissary,' 'aqueduct,' from the root Tw& 'send,' which is used of water in Ps. civ. 10, Ezek. xxxi. 4 (Gesenius p. 1415). DTPBTTJVa occurs in the Talmud, meaning either 'a conduit for irrigation' or field needing artificial irrigation' (Buxtorf p. 2412 sq). Another form Tw& (A. V. Siloah) is found as a proper name in Neh. iii.

15, if indeed the Masoretic pointing may be trusted. That two forms should exist side by side is very conceivable, for the word is not strictly speaking a proper name. In Greek the forms vary: %iKa)ap, (LXX Luke xiii. 4, Josephus frequently), StXtao? (Josephus elsewhere), StX<ua (Aquila, Synimachus, Theodotion). The geographical and symbolical bearing of the notice will be considered hereafter1. At present I am only concerned with the etymology. This the Evangelist has explained rightly. Two further points deserve attention. He has given the correct meaning, notwithstanding that it is somewhat obscured by the Greek form. Again he has added the definite article 'the Siloam.' This is in accordance with Jewish usage. In the Old Testament, and generally in the Targums and the Rabbinic passages, as well as in St Luke l. c., the definite article occurs. With this compare Acts ix. 35 'the Sharon> (tov Xapdova).

(/) Golgotha, xix. 17 (ei? Tov Xeyop.evov Kpaviov Toirov, h Xiyerat, 'Efipalo-rl ToXyodd); cf. Matt, xxvii. 33, Mark xv. 22 (Luke xxiii. 33). As the interpretation occurs in the Synoptic narrative also, no argument can be drawn from it.

(g) Gabbatha, xix. 13 (ei? Tottov Xeyofievov AiBoo-rpcorov 'Efipaio-rl Be TaPPadd). Pliny (H. N. xxxvi. 28) tells us that the pavements called lithostrota were first introduced by Sulla, and that in the temple of Fortune at Praeneste one could be seen in his day which Sulla had placed there. Again, Suetonius (Jul 46) states that Julius Caesar was accustomed to carry tesselated pavements about with him for his own use in his expeditions (in expeditionibus tesselata et sectilia pavimenta circumiulisse). This last notice however does not help us much, for evidently St John's account speaks of some fixed locality. It shows, however, that such a flooring would seem necessary for a Roman magistrate's tribunal. A fixed place at Amathus was so called, Boeckh C. I. G. 2643 dvo Tov 'Hpaiov eiw9 Tov Ai6oo-rpa>rov.

But what is the meaning of the Hebrew Gabbatha? It is commonly connected with 23 from H3J or yU 'to be high,' meaning a 'prominence' or 'hill,' compare gibbus. The word would then represent fctnjDJ; see Levy, I. p. 123, Liicke, Hengstenberg ad. loc., Keim iii. p. 365.

1 See below, p. 171.

This theory receives further support from the fact that Josephus (Ant. v. 1. 29, vi. 4, 2 and elsewhere) uses Yafiada for Gibeah, 'a MIL' And it is a very possible solution, for the Evangelist does not say that the Hebrew represents the meaning of the Greek equivalent. But this interpretation labours under the disadvantage that it does not account for the doubling of the y9. Accordingly Ewald (Johan. Schr. I. p. 408) suggests as the derivation JJU, JDp 'to collect together,' and thus the word would imply 'a mosaic.' This appears to me highly probable, for I find this word J^p used of studding or inlaying with jewels or precious stones, e.g. Ex. xxv. 7, of the jewels of the high-priest's ephod, and Deut. xxxiii. 21, where the Targum Ben Uzziel has 'a place inlaid (yipO) with precious stones and jewels'; see Levy s. v. II. p. 342. Thus here again St John shows his intimate knowledge of the derivation of an obscure Hebrew term.

(ft) Iscariot. The phenomena which St John's Gospel presents in the use of this name are somewhat remarkable. As soon as the false readings are swept away which obscure the time text, we find (1) that the designation is attached to the father's name (vi. 71, xiii. 26) as well as to the son's (xii. 4, xiii. 2, xiv. 22), (2) that in more than one place (xii. 4, xiv. 22) the definite article should precede the name. We gather therefore that the word is not strictly speaking a proper name at all, but merely describes the native-place of the traitor. This solution is suggested by St John's Gospel, but there is no hint of it given by the Synoptists. Yet it is rendered highly probable by other considerations also. The word 'lo-Kapia>rq<} is EJ^X fiVlp ' the man of Kerioth.' Now in 2 Sam. x. 6, 8 among the mercenaries hired by the children of Ammon to attack David are mentioned 'of Ishtob twelve thousand men,' or, as it almost certainly should be rendered, 'of the men of Tob twelve thousand men,' Tob being a district mentioned in Judges xi. 3-5. This word becomes in Josephus Ant. vii. 6, 1 a proper name, "laro0o<;. The interpretation of Josephus may be right or wrong; but we are only concerned with the representation of the Hebrew form in Greek; and, so far as it goes, it is an adequate illustration of the way in which HVIp E"N would appear in a Greek dress. Again, the tradition of Judas' birthplace is preserved in some MSS. of the New Testament. Thus in Matt. x. 4, xxvi. 14 some old Latin MSS. have Carioth, while other authorities have intermediate readings, Scarioth, JZKapicorrj?; in Mark iii. 19 the correct reading (X B C L) is \aicapttotf, the termination not having been interfered with, e has Cariotha, and there are other variations. In Mark xiv. 10 SB LC* have lo-itapuod, while laKapicorrj? is found in A and the majority of authorities. Here again Scarioth is read by some Latin MSS. On the whole it seems probable that 'laitapiwd is consistently St Mark's form of the appellation. In Luke vi. 16 lo-KapiwQ is the right reading («BL); on the other hand in xxii. 3 laitapuorr/v seems to be correct, though here again the alternative form has supporters. St Luke therefore appears to vary, and this we might expect from the manner in which his Gospel was composed. Turning now to St John's Gospel we find that D has airo Kapviorov in four out of the five verses in which the name occurs, and (followed by three Latin MSS.) Sitapiwd in the fifth passage (vi. 71), where, on the other hand, airo Kapvwrov receives the support of N1 69, 124, and of the margin of the Harclean Syriac. Thus the trace of the original meaning of the word seems to linger in the Western text of the Fourth Gospel.

Kapio)6 is the LXX rendering of flVTp- The word signifies 'cities,' i.e. a conjunction of small towns. Hence it is of frequent occurrence. Thus a place of the name was situated in Moab (Jer. xlviii. 24,41, Amos ii. 2, see Merx Arch./. Wissensch. Erf. der Alt. Test. p. 320), another in Judah (Joshua xv. 25). This latter is perhaps the birth-place of Judas who, like Perugino, Correggio, Veronese and others, has merged his personal name in that of his native town.

». THE WRITER'S KNOWLEDGE OF JEWISH IDEAS, TRADITIONS, EXPECTATIONS, MODES OF THOUGHT.

(i) The Messiah. Occasion has been taken elsewhere to point out that, in the Fourth Gospel, 'the narrative and the discourses alike are thoroughly saturated with the Messianic ideas of the time1.' In discussing this subject attention was drawn to two facts as especially worthy of notice: (1) that though the writer's point of view is twofold, the Word as the theological, the subjective, centre, no less than the Messiah as the historical, the objective, centre, yet, with a true insight which is the best evidence for his veracity, he keeps these two points of view separate. The topic of our Lord's discourses with the Jews is not the doctrine of the Logos, for which His auditors would feel neither predilection nor interest, but the Messianic expectation, in which they were thoroughly absorbed. (2) It was shown that the Messianic conceptions are not the ideas as corrected by the facts, but the ideas in their original form, not yet spiritualised, but coarse and materialistic still, reflecting the sentiments not of the second century but of the early years of the first; in a word, Jewish, not Christian. This Messianic idea is turned about on all sides. We learn very much more about it from the Fourth Gospel than from all the other three Gospels together. This is a fact which we do not sufficiently realise, and it is a characteristic, though an accidental, token to this fact that the Hebrew equivalent for Xpterro?—the word Meaalas—is found only in this Gospel. The prevalence, nay, the ubiquity, of the Messianic idea is the key to the motive of the narrative. Does Jesus work a miracle? It is a sign of His Messianic office. Does He suffer an indignity? It is fatal to His claims as the triumphant King and Avenger of His people. Does He utter an unpalatable truth, or a seemingly unpatriotic sentiment? Such language is inconsistent with the office of the long-expected Saviour of the Jewish nation.

1 [See above, p. 23 sq., where this part of the argument is treated fully.] L. E. 10

Does He exhibit in His person the common associations and relationships of life? This again is not compatible with His Messianic character.

Moreover, He is only one in a long line of claimants who have arrogated to themselves this high office. Before Him many thieves and robbers have entered into the fold by stealth and violence (x. 8). This last passage has been attacked as fatal to the authority of the Gospel, and this on two grounds. First, we are told1 that it is a thoroughly Gnostic sentiment, directed against the lawgiver and the prophets. They are the thieves and the robbers. Thus it is inconsistent not only with our Lord's own position, but also with the position of St John as a 'pillar-apostle' of the Circumcision. Secondly, we are informed* that the statement is historically incorrect; for as a matter of fact we do not hear of false Messiahs before Christ. I give this as a sample of the attacks which are made in certain quarters upon the genuineness of the Fourth Gospel. In reply it is sufficient to state (1) that the interpretation, which sees in the thieves and robbers a reference to Moses and the prophets, is quite untenable. It contradicts the whole teaching of the Gospel. Our Lord constantly refers to the Old Testament Scriptures as authoritative, and as foretelling Himself. Thus Abraham rejoiced to see Christ's day, and he saw it and was glad. The Jews are Abraham's seed, yet they seek to kill Him (viii. 37, 56). Moses will accuse them to the Father; for had they believed Moses, they would have believed Christ, for Moses wrote of Him (v. 45 sq.). And the Evangelist sees in the persistent unbelief of the Jewish race a fulfilment of a prophecy of Isaiah uttered when he saw Christ's glory and spake of Him (xii. 37 sq.). The interpretation therefore may safely be dismissed. Curiously enough it is a view borrowed from Valentinus, who states that 'all the prophets and the law spake from the Demiurge, a foolish God, and were foolish themselves and ignorant' (Hippol. Huer. vi. 35 p. 194), and then proceeds to quote this passage: and it is echoed by the Manicheans

(August. c. Faust, xvi. 12, vm. p. 288 F., 289 A.) and probably by other dualistic sects.

1 By Hilgenfeld. 2 By Baur and Scholten.

Such at least would appear from Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 17 pp. 366 sq. (ed. Potter). Further, the consciousness of the misuse that was made of the text would account for the omission of the words irpb ifiov by some authorities1. (2) The expression need not necessarily be confined to false Messiahs. 'Shepherds' are teachers (Jer. xxiii. 1, Ezek. xxxiv. 2, 3), and thus the Scribes and Pharisees, the leaders of religious thought, would naturally be included in the category. In other passages our Lord refers to them as robbers, as wolves in sheep's clothing (Matt. vii. 15), as devouring widows' houses (Matt. xxiii. 14, Mark xii. 40, Luke xx. 47). And the beginning of this corrupt state of teaching did not synchronize with the time of our Lord's life upon earth. For some generations past the whole tendency of religious education had been thoroughly vicious3.

But after all there is no sufficient reason for denying the appearance of false Messiahs before the Christian era. On the contrary, everything points to the fact of such appearances. And if these earlier false Messiahs do not come forward so prominently in Josephus as those who flourished afterwards, this is only what was to be expected; for they did not fall within his own lifetime. Gamaliel, at all events, in his speech as recorded by St Luke (Acts v. 35 sq.), mentions two of these impostors, Theudas and Judas the Galilean, the latter of whom is described as having revolted 'in the days of the taxing.'

1 The words are omitted in K*, in Chrysostom and Augustine, most Latin Mm., in the Syrian, Sahidio * See Ewald, Jahrb.derBibl. Witienand Gothic versions, and by Cyril, tchaft ix. 43.

In the case of the former, there is a well-known chronological difficulty, Josephus (Ant. xx. 5. 1) speaking of a Theudas who headed a rebellion in the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus after A.D. 44; but the occasion of the revolt of Judas the Gaulanite is given by him in detail (Ant. xviii. 1. 1 sq.), and his language shows evidently that the rising took a theocratic character1. In another place Josephus, referring to the time of the death of Herod the Great (Ant. xvii. 10. 8), tells us that 'Judaea was infested with robbers (Xyarwpitov r/ 'lovBala 7rX.eo)? rjv), and as the bands of the seditious found anyone to head them, he was created a king at once, in order to do damage to the community.' He mentions several of these adventurers by name, beginning (Ant. xvii. 10. 5) with Judas the son of a certain Hezekiah, whom he calls the 'brigand-chief (6 dpxiXyartj?). Now it is quite impossible to separate all these uprisings from Messianic anticipations, even if the contrary was not directly stated in some cases by the historian. For the air was full of rumours, and echoes of the Messianic expectations had penetrated as far as Rome, and found expression in the pages of Suetonius (Vesp. 4), and in the Fourth Eclogue of Virgil. By some the Herod-family was looked to as the embodiment of the national hope, Antipas (Vict. Ant. ap. Cramer Cat. in Marc. p. 400), Agrippa (Philastrius Haer. xxviii.), and Herod the Great (Epiphanius Haer. xx. p. 45) being at different times regarded as the Messiah by their partisans*.

But it is not only the prevalence of the Messianic idea exhibited in this Gospel, it is the minuteness and variety of detail displayed which arrests our attention, and is so powerful a testimony to the authenticity of the narrative. This phenomenon can be conveniently illustrated by the designations which the Evangelist applies to the Messiah. I give some of the most striking.

(a) The Lamb of God (i. 29,36). The reference is to Isaiah liii. 4, a passage which was commonly interpreted of the Messiah, apparently before the Christian era (see Bishop Harold Browne, Sermons* p. 92 sq.,and cf. Sanday, Authorship of the Fourth Gospel p. 39 sq), and is interpreted of our Lord directly by Philip the Evangelist (Acts viil 32), and indirectly by St Peter (1 Pet. i. 19).

1 Joseph. Ant. xviii. 1. G SvavUnrot Dictionary of the Bible; and compare

Si Toc i\evd4pov (pas iarlv afoois n&vov Keim i. p. 244 sq.

tf/oihva Koi Sto-irorriv rov Otov inrtti- * Mestiah as foretold and expected

<phaiv. Cambridge (1862).

- See the article Herodians'vaSmith's

This idea of the lamb as typifying the Messiah is not found in the other three Evangelists. It is introduced however by St John naturally and without comment: the meaning is only explained by recalling the Messianic expectations of the time, and in fact is lost sight of by many commentators. With the substitution of another Greek word (apvtov for dfivos) the same metaphor occurs in the Apocalypse nearly thirty times.

(6) The Son of God, the King of Israel (i. 49). The naturalness of this outburst on the part of Nathanael is deserving of notice. The titles with which he hails the Messiah are introduced in a way which is absolutely free from artificiality. The first designation, the ' Son of God,' is derived from Ps. ii. 7. It occurs again in the Fourth Gospel, i. 34, iii. 18, ix. 35 and especially xi. 27, in the last passage coupled expressly with the title 'the Christ,' a combination which we find elsewhere (Matt. xxvi. 63 in the mouth of the High Priest, and Matt. xvi. 16 in the confession of St Peter). Even when it stands alone, as in Luke iv. 41, xxii. 70, it is at once recognised as applying to the Christ. The second title,' the King of Israel,' is a favourite appellation in the Fourth Gospel (xii. 13, cf. xviii. 36, 37, xix. 3, 5, 12,14, 19). As Mr Sanday appositely remarks (Authorship of the Fourth Gospel p. 35),' the phrase is especially important, because it breathes those politico-theocratic hopes, which, since the taking of Jerusalem, Christians, at least, if not Jews, must have entirely laid aside. It belongs to the lowest stratification of Christian ideas, before Christianity was separated from Judaism; and there is but one generation of Christians, to whom it would have any meaning.'

Other Messianic titles which are found in our Evangelist are (c) He that is coming (6 ipxofia/os) vi. 14, xi . 27, cf. Matt. xi. 3, Luke vii. 19, 20, derived from the well-known Messianic psalm (Ps. cxviii.), which is quoted in this sense by all the four Evangelists (Matt, xxiii. 39, Mark xi. 9, Luke xiii. 35, John xii. 13); (d) The Holy One of God (d wyw Tow QeoO) vi. 69, cf. Mark i. 24 and other passages; (e) the Son of Man, i. 51 etc., the most familiar of all designations of the Christ, especially in St Luke's Gospel; (/) the Light, i. 7, 8, viii. 12, xii. 46, cf. Luke ii. 32; an idea found in Messianic passages like Is. ix. 2, xlii. 6, 7, MaL iv. 2, 3, and expressly interpreted of Christ by the Talmud—'Light is the name of Messiah' (see Lightfoot Hor. Heb. p. 564 quoted by Sanday, p. 152); (g) He that hath been sent (o airearaKfievos:), ix. 7, where the interpretation of the name Siloam connects the pool with Christ (see x. 36, xvii. 3, 8,18, 21, 23, 25 etc., cf. Is. lxi. 1) rather than with the man (see Wetstein ad loc.), but where the allusion to the title, so far from appearing on the surface, is inserted in the most unobtrusive manner possible. These instances show the perfect ease and familiarity with which the writer of the Fourth Gospel moves among the Messianic expectations and the national feelings of the period which he depicts.

(ii) The companions of the Messiah. Attention has been drawn elsewhere1 to the significant references to ' the prophet' which occur in four places in St John (i. 21, 25, vi. 14, vii. 40). It has been pointed out that the form which the conception takes is strictly Jewish, not Christian. While Christian teachers identified the prophet foretold by Moses (Deut. xviii. 15) with our Lord Himself (Acts iii. 22, vii. 37, cf. John i. 46)*, the Jews in St John's Gospel conceive of 'the Christ' and ' the prophet' as two different persons. If He is not the Christ, they adopt the alternative that He may be 'the prophet' (i. 21, 25); if not' the prophet,' then ' the Christ' (vii. 40). But this brings us to another point, which is worthy of consideration. Springing out of the phrase employed by Moses in the passage quoted above (' a prophet like unto me') came the Jewish idea of the parallelism of the lawgiver and the Messiah. In part this idea was justified by the prophecy, and finds its proper place in the language of the New Testament. Thus, as the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews shows, Moses and Christ are the two mediators of the two covenants (Heb. viii. 5, 6).

1 See above, p. 25. 20, Clem. Recogn. i. 43, Origen in

'This identification is a common- Johan. vi. 4, Eusebius Demonitr.

place in patristio writers, see Tertull. Evang. i. 7, p. 26 sq. (ed. Paris 1628).

adv. Martian, iv. 22, Apost. Const, v.

Thus again, in a well-known passage (1 Cor. x. 1—11), St Paul works out the parallel in his record of the wanderings of the children of Israel. The crossing of the Red Sea is a baptism by Moses. The rock smitten in the wilderness is Christ. Thus again, St John in the Apocalypse (xv. 3) sets in the mouth of the redeemed a twofold song, 'the song of Moses the servant of God, and the song of the Lamb.' And lastly, our Lord Himself instances the action of Moses in lifting up the serpent in the wilderness as emblematic of Himself (John iii. 14). But the Rabbis carried out the parallelism into the most minute details, so that the career of the Messiah became in effect a reproduction of the career of Moses. Of this belief adventurers, who wished to pose as the Messiah, were not slow to take advantage. For instance Theudas, to whom allusion has already been made1, undertakes to divide the Jordan (Jos. Ant. xx. 5.1), in imitation probably as much of Moses as of Joshua and Elijah. Again, other nameless adventurers, to whom Josephus makes reference a little later on (Ant. xx. 8. 6), 'urged the multitude to follow them into the wilderness, and pretended that they would exhibit manifest wonders and signs that should be performed by the providence of God (Kara rfjv Tow ®eov irpovoiav).' Gfrorer, who has worked out this subject in his Jahrhundert des Heils (n. p. 318 sq), tells us that Micah vii. 15 was quoted to prove that the passover was the time in which this manifestation of Messianic power should be exhibited. In fulfilment of the prophecy of Zechariah (ix. 9), the King should appear riding an ass (Gfrorer p. 339). The miracles which he was expected to perform were to include the two mighty works of his prototype, the smiting of the waters as suggested by Zechariah (x. 11), and the giving of the manna. We have seen how the first of these symbolical acts was promised by Theudas. To the general expectation of the second miracle rabbinic literature furnishes full and explicit testimony.

1 See above, p. 147.

Thus in Coheleth Rabba, 9 fol. 86. 4, we read Dixit P. Berachia nomine R. Isaaci; qualis fuit redemptor primus, talis erit redemptor ultimus Sicut redemptor primus fecit descendere manna, ita redemptor posterior faciet descendere manna. Again, in Shir Rabba, fol. 16, Redemptor posterior revelabitur iis...et quonam illos ducet? Sunt qui dicunt in desertum Judae, sunt qui dicunt in desertum Sichoris et Ogi et descendere faciet pro iis manna (see Lightfoot Hor. Heb. I1. pp. 552, 557; cf. Shemoth Rabba xxv.). In the light of these notices we can imagine the ferment which would be occasioned by the feeding of the five thousand, and we can now understand the full significance of the challenge thrown out to Him on the part of the unbelieving crowd,' What dost thou work? Our fathers did eat manna in the wilderness (vi. 30, 31),' which in St John's narrative occurs in so abrupt and unexplained a manner1. The key to the understanding of the whole situation is an acquaintance with the national expectation of the greater Moses. But this knowledge is not obtruded upon us by the Evangelist. It is tacitly assumed. In fact, the meaning is unintelligible, except to one who is brought up among the ideas of the time, or to one who, like a modern critic, has made them his special study.

And so we might pass in review the various details of the Messianic conception, and showbow marvellously they correspond with the account given so naturally and incidentally by the Evangelist. The birth and generation of the Christ who, in accordance with Micah v. 2, should be a descendant of David, born in Bethlehem (vii. 42), and yet at the same time the mystery and uncertainty of that birth (vii. 27) based upon the wellknown passage in Isaiah 'who shall declare His generation?' (Is. liii. 8)", the apparent discrepancies of the two accounts being explained by the rabbis on the analogy of Moses who was born and then hidden8;

1 See this matter treated more fully fol. 5. 1) alleged that the Messiah had

above, p. 24. been born at Bethlehem a good while

8 See Sanday p. 146, Gfrorer, pp. before their own times but had been

203, 307, Wetstein and Lightfoot on snatched away. The same idea is

John vi. 27. found in Midrath Sair foL 1, 16. 4 (on

s The Gemarists (Hierot. Berachoth Canticles ii. 9) Caprea apparet et occultatur, apparet et occnltatur. Sic postes nostrarum frontium consecrati

redemptor primus (Moses) apparuit et sunt. Hieron. Comm. in Matth. iv. 25.

fuit oceultatus, et tandem apparuit 6, Op. Vii. 203 (ed. Vallarsi). For the

iterum...Sic redemptor posterior (Mes- Christian counterpart of this Jewish

sias) revelabitur iis atque iterum abs- expectation see Justin Dial. c. Tryph.

condetur ab iis...In fine quadraginta §8, p. 34, § 110, p. 368 (ed. Otto), quinque dierum revelabitur iterum iis * See these various speculations given

et descendere faeiet pro iis manna. in Gfrorer pp. 252 sq, 296, 315—317.

1 And at midnight; Troditio Judae- The passages referred to by the multi

orum est Christum media nocte ven- tude (iipxis riKovcanev ix Tov Vo/iou) were

turum in similitudinem Aegyptii tem- probably Is. ix. 6, Dan. vii. 13, 14,

pons, quando Pascha celebratum est and the Targums on these texts will

et exterminator venit et Dominus super repay study, tabernacula transiit et sanguine agni

.

His manifestation 'to Israel' (i. 31 a passage with which Sanday, p. 33, compares Luke i . 80 spoken of John the Baptist; cf. xiv. 22, xvii. 6 sq), an event which Jewish tradition decided would take place at the Passover (Shemoth Rabb. xv. 150, Jerusalem Targum on Ex. xii. 42, MechiUa on Ex. xii. 42, R. Bechai in Kad Hakkemach 49)1 —doubtless another element in the excitement of the crowds after the Feeding of the Five Thousand which took place at Passover-tide (John vi. 2); lastly, His eternal continuance (xii. 34), a point much discussed among the rabbis*.

One of the accompaniments of the Messiah in Jewish anticipations was the return of the Shechinah, the symbol of that visible divine presence, the loss of which after the captivity had been so universally deplored. This confident hope was based on such prophecies as Ezekiel xxxvii. 27, xliii. 7, Zechariah ii. 10 sq, viii. 3, Isaiah viii. 8, and on the language of Ecclesiasticus xxiv. 8 sq 'He that created me caused my tabernacle to rest (Kareiravo-e rr)v <tkrjv^v fiov), and said, Let thy dwelling be in Jacob (iv 'Ia/e<B/9 KaraaK>jvto<rov)...m the holy tabernacle I served before him (ev aitT]vij ayia ivta-mov avrov eKeirovpyrjaa).' It finds expression in more than one passage in the Apocalypse (vii. 15, xiii. 6, xv. 5, xxi. 3). It remains however for St John in his Gospel, in words which are replete with local colouring, to point with a quiet triumph to the fulfilment of this expectation in the person of Jesus Christ, 'The Word became flesh, and tabernacled (iajctjvtoo-ei') among us, and we beheld His glory (tt)v Bogav avrov), the glory as of the only-begotten from the Father, full of grace and truth (i. 14).'

(iii) The Messianic expectation among the Samaritans.

It has been denied1 that the Samaritans had any Messianic anticipations at all. But, firstly, they had the prophecy referred to above (Deut. xviii. 15), which, as forming part of the Pentateuch, they would accept as authoritative. This was sufficient in itself to suggest such expectations, and the fact that they were under the same stimulating influences as the Jews, influences arising from the political troubles of the times, would encourage presentiments of a Deliverer. Secondly, as a matter of fact, there is sufficient evidence to show that Messianic hopes were as rife among them at the time of our Lord, as they are now at the present day. Thus Josephus informs us (Ant. xviii. 4. 1) that in the procuratorship of Pilate a disturbance arose among the Samaritans in consequence of an impostor who 'bade them assemble on Mount Gerizim' under promise that he 'would show them the sacred vessels (Selgeiv To iepa aicevn) which were buried there, because Moses had put them there.' All this is distinctly Messianic in character, and has an obvious reference to the narrative of 2 Maccabees (ii . 1—8), where Jeremiah is related to have buried the tabernacle, the ark and the altar of incense on the mountain ' where Moses climbed up and saw the heritage of God,' and to have declared that the secret of the hiding place should not be revealed 'until the time that God should gather His people again together, and receive them unto mercy.' And this view finds confirmation from a passage in the Joma Babl. (fol. 526, quoted by Gfrorer p. 350), and explains the reference in Apoc. ii. 17 to the 'hidden manna,' which was one of the treasures contained in the ark (Ex. xvi. 33, 34, Heb. ix. 4). These disturbances among the Samaritans took place A.d. 34, 35, and are connected by Keim (I. p. 518) with the preaching of John the Baptist. Further light is thrown on these Samaritan aspirations in the Clementine Recognitions.

1 e.g. by the author of The Jemt of Hittory (1869).

Here Simon Magus and Dositheus are both mentioned as Samaritans who professed themselves to be Messiahs1, and the Samaritans are described as ' rightly looking forward to one true Prophet in accordance with the foretelling of Moses, but prevented by the perverse teaching of Dositheus from believing that Jesus was He whom they expected (Recogn. i. 54; cf. vii. 33).' For the later communications with the Samaritans held by Scaliger, Ludolf, and de Sacy see Westcott, Introduction to the Study of the Gospels p. 148. Petermann likewise, who resided two months at Nablous, gives the results of his visit and investigations in Herzog's Real-Encyklop. xiii. p. 372 sq. All these authorities agree that the Samaritans found their hopes upon the appearance of the prophet like unto Moses. All agree too that they expect the discovery of the furniture of the Sanctuary, e.g. the ark, the manna and the tables of the commandments, a fact which leaves the interpretation of the passage in Josephus beyond a doubt. With them the Messiah is represented under two aspects, first as the Hashab or Hathab (inn) the Converter, Restorer, Buyer-back (Westcott and Petermann l.c.), secondly as the El Muhdi the Guide (Robinson, Biblical Researches n. 278s). Thus we see how the confident aspirations placed by St John in the mouth of the Samaritan woman, ' I know that Messias cometh, which is called Christ; when he is come, he will tell us all things' (iv. 25, cf. w. 29, 42), are not the invention of a later generation, but reflect the contemporary national feelings of this interesting people.

(iv) Jewish beliefs, and sentiments on other points.

(a) The relation of the Jews to Abraham exemplified in John viii. 33 sq. is worthy of notice, as illustrating the writer's acquaintance with the Jewish ideas of his time.

1 Recogn. ii. 7, Simon hic.gente Recogn. i. Si magistrum suum (i.e.

Samaraeus...gloriaeacjactantiaesnpra Dositheum) velut Christum praedi

omne genus hominum cupidus ita ut carunt; cf. Origen e. Celt. i. 57 (i.

excelsaru virtutem...credi se velit et 372).

Christum putari (of. Horn. ii. 22); 3 ed. 1867.

The boast, 'We are Abraham's seed,' is an evidence of a justifiable pride of birth (cf. v. 53), but the latter part of the sentence 'and we have never been in bondage to any man' has given much difficulty to the commentators. Certainly it is not what a stranger would have said of the Jewish people. The opinion felt by the Romans for the Jews is well expressed by Cicero, who contemptuously classes together the Jews and the Syrians as nations born to slavery (Judaeis et Syris nationibus natis servituti, Cic. Prov. Cons. 5). And Apion casts in the teeth of Josephus the fact that, so far from ruling the Gentiles, the chosen people were as a fact subject to them (to fit] apxeiv BovXeveiv Se fidWov edveai Jos. c. Apion. ii. 11). Yet this proud assertion of liberty is exactly what the Jews would make on their own behalf, whatever wresting of facts might be necessary to maintain it. The answer of Josephus to Apion at the end of the section is quite characteristic. 'At a time when even the Egyptians,' he contends, 'were servants to the Persians and the Macedonians, we (the Jews) enjoyed liberty, and moreover had the dominion of the cities round about us for about a hundred and twenty years, until Pompey the Great. And when all nations were conquered by the Romans, who are kings everywhere, our ancestors were the only people who continued to be esteemed their allies and friends because of their fidelity.' And in a certain sense the claim was true. The national spirit of the Jews had never been thoroughly enslaved. But externally it would appear to be the reverse of the truth, and it is difficult to conceive how words such as the Evangelist records could have found a place in a narrative written in the middle of the second century, after the twofold destruction of Jerusalem by Titus and by Hadrian had stamped out the last spark of national liberty.

(6) The authority assigned to Moses is another graphic touch which shows a minute acquaintance with Jewish thought. The assertion 'We are Moses' disciples' (ix. 28) is illustrated by Lightfoot (Hor. Heb. IL p. 572) from Jomaiol. 4.1., where the same expression occurs, and the favourite title of Moses in vogue among the Jews was 'Moses, our master' (quoted by Schbltz on this verse). Associated with this idea is the prestige which attached to the rabbinical schools. The surprise expressed that our Lord should set up for a teacher (vii. 15), the contemptuous disregard for the opinion of the people (vii. 49), the very form of address (Si) eZ 6 8i8do-ita\o<; rov 'Iapar}X; iii. 10), which was apparently a formula of remonstrance among the Jews1—all these features can be readily illustrated from rabbinical literature.

(c) The jealousy and contempt with which the Palestinian Jews viewed the Greek dispersion is strikingly evidenced by the sarcastic comment of the Jews—' Will he go unto the dispersed among the Gentiles (M^ el? rrjv Ziaairopav rwv 'exxijvwi/ fiiWei iropeveo-dai), and teach the Gentiles V (vii. 35.) Contemporary Jewish opinion drew a hard and fast line between their brethren of the Babylonian dispersion, i.e. those who preferred to remain in the land of their captivity, and the Greek dispersion in Asia Minor, the result of the wholesale deportations of Seleucus Nicator and Antiochus Epiphanes. The former were held in high honour. The land of Babylon was considered to be as holy as that of Palestine (Rabbi Solomon in Gittin fol. 2. 1), and the descendants of the Jews there even purer than those in Judaea itself (Kiddush fol. 69. 2). Even Gamaliel deigned to hold correspondence with the 'sons of the Dispersion of Babylonia' (Frankel Monatsschrift, p. 413. 1853). Hence, as Lightfoot remarks (Hor. Heb. ad loc.), ' for a Palestine Jew to go to the Babylonish dispersion was to go to a people and country equal, if not superior, to his own: but to go to the dispersion among the Greeks was to go into unclean regions, to an inferior race of Jews, and into nations most heathenized.'

1 See the story told in Lightfoot, from Kcliah Rabbathi, fol. 66. 2. Hor. Heb. 11. p. 534, of Rabbi Joshua

(d) Lastly (to confine ourselves to one further instance), the question put to our Lord concerning the man born blind, 'Master, who did sin, this man, or his parents, that he was born blind1?' reflects with a faithful accuracy the popular teaching of the day as regards the consequences of sin. It was a received doctrine in the Jewish schools that physical defect in children was the punishment of sin committed by their parents; and though the Jewish doctrine of metempsychosis was confined to the souls of the righteous (Jos. B. J. ii. 12), and thus a man brought no taint of sins with him from his previous existence, yet it is clear from many curious Rabbinic passages which Lightfoot quotes (ad loc.) that even in the womb the infant, from the moment of his first quickening, was considered capable of incurring stain of sin.

3. THE WRITER'S KNOWLEDGE OF EXTERNAL FACTS, THE HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, NAMES AND CUSTOMS OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE.

(i) The relations of the Jews with those around them.

(a) The Galileans. Owing to the fact that St John lays special stress on the Judaean ministry, the references to the Galileans in his Gospel are less numerous than in the Synoptic narrative. But the notices, though few, are highly significant, and the touches with which St John depicts them, singularly vivid. Thus we cannot fail to observe the contempt which the Jews of the metropolis display for them. 'Shall Christ come out of Galilee?' 'Out of Galilee ariseth no prophet' (vii. 41, 52). 'Can there any good thing come out of Nazareth?' (i. 46). Such is the objection, which rises unpremeditatedly to the lips of speakers, when the northern province is indicated as the home of the Messiah. This disparagement of the Galileans is reflected more than once in the rabbinic literature of the period. 'Foolish Galilean' seems to have been the inevitable form of address when a Galilean appears as a character in a dialogue'. This contempt arose in great measure from the admixture of foreign blood in the Galilean people.

1 John ix. 2. * e.g. see Lightfoot, Hot. Htb. n. pp. 78, 543.

The Sea of Galilee was an important commercial centre, and as a natural consequence strangers—Phoenicians, Syrians, Greeks and Romans —settled in the district, and intermarried with the Jewish inhabitants, to the prejudice of the race in the eyes of a strict Jew of the capital (see Keim I. p. 309). The distinction thus inaugurated by the taint of foreign blood was further emphasized by a difference of pronunciation. The rough dialect of the northerners, which was a subject of comment in the case of St Peter (Mark xiv. 70), is a favourite theme likewise in rabbinical writers1. Thus in one story8 a Judaean professes himself unable to distinguish between 'a lamb,' "lOy

'wool,' "lOn 'wine' and ">bn 'an ass,' as pronounced by a Galilean when the latter wants to make a purchase, an illustration which shows that the divergence consisted largely in a careless confusion of gutturals on the part of the Galileans. The bad name, from which the Galileans suffered generally, seems to have attached itself more particularly to their city Nazareth (John i. 46). Certainly the account which we have of them from other passages in the Gospels (Luke iv. 16—29, Matth. xiii. 54—58) conveys the impression that the Nazarenes were a violent, unscrupulous, irreligious people. They may therefore have fully justified their invidious reputation. That this reputation was widespread appears from the irony in the superscription on the cross,'Jesus of Nazareth, the King of the Jews,' (John xix. 19). We pass on to notice the Evangelist's accurate knowledge of other traits in the Galilean character. In John iv. 45 occurs a brief and incidental mention of the welcome accorded to our Lord by the Galileans in consequence of His doings at Jerusalem at the feast,' for they also went to the feast.' Now it is worthy of record that Josephus (Ant. xx. 6. 1) relates that serious troubles arose owing to collisions between the Samaritans and the Galileans while the latter were on their way to keep the feasts at Jerusalem3.

1 See the instances given by Lightfoot, u. p. 78 sq, and cf. Fiirst Aram. Idiom. % 15.

8 See my Galatians, p. 197 (ed. 6). 3 This notice illustrates John iv. 4 compared with Luke ix. 51 sq.

The natural turbulence of the Galileans, to which Josephus calls attention1, was on these occasions aggravated by their intense religious enthusiasm*. It is therefore quite what we should expect when we find a reference in St Luke (xiii. 1) to certain Galileans ' whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices,' and the portrait which St John gives us of St Peter is, as Keim truly observes (i. p. 315), of 'a genuine Galilean type.'

(b) The Romans. St John's consummate skill does not fail him as he sketches the relations of the Jews with their Roman masters. We notice on the one hand the cringing political deference exhibited in the words of the chief priests,'The Romans shall come and take away both our place and nation (xi. 48),' 'We have no king but Caesar (xix. 15),' 'If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar's friend (xix. 12);' on the other, the religious horror of the pollution attaching to contact with the Romans, which even at the height of their frenzied hatred of their prisoner kept the Jews outside the judgment hall, 'lest they should be defiled (xviii. 28).' He then proceeds to give us details which reveal an accurate acquaintance with the Roman customs and military arrangements of the time. Twice over is reference made to 'the band' (r) tnreipa xviii. 3, 12), once to 'the captain' (o ^iXi'ap^o? xviii. 12). Now, we learn from Polybius' and Suidas4 that tnreipa and xtXiapxos were technical terms, the recognised Greek renderings of cohors and tribunus respectively.

1 rpbs iraaar dtl iro\ifiov retpav in- expression Ka\t'trtu shows that he is

riaxov' /i<iX'M0J »» yip i* rirriur K.t.\. merely giving the Latin equivalent

Jos. B. J. iii. 3. 2; cf. Vit. 17 rwripw (kosptis) for the Greek expression

4iridvnovrrtt id irpaypArtav. (aireipa). A little later on (xi. 33. 1)

'Many of the false Messiahs were Polybius has again ^ir! rirrapas xoip

Galileaus, e.g. 'lo6oas b Ta\iKaiot (Acts Tis' Tovto S' (an aretpa, where Ca

v. 37). saubon has struck out the last four

rpeU aretpas' Tovto Bi KaX«rroi Ta words, though they occur in all the

auvrayiM T&v refu'v irapa 'Vupalois manuscripts.

KO&pra Polybius xi. 23. Schweig- 4 Suidas («. t'.) states that x^aPXM

hauser in his note (ad loc.) contends came into office at Bome three hun

that artipa here means manipulun, and dred and fifteen years after the foun

that the term cohort is applied to the dation of the city. This coincides

complement of three maniples; but with the institution of military tri

Livy in the parallel passage (xxviii. 14) bunes with consular power at the

has ternis peditum cohortibiu, and the close of the Decemvirate.

Accordingly the use of the definite article by St John in both cases, 'the cohort' 'the tribune1,' shows that he was aware of a fact, which we learn from Josephus also (B. J. ii. 12. 1), that a Roman cohort was quartered in the Tunis Antonia at Jerusalem to prevent disturbances at the great festivals'-. A few years later we find soldiers from this Roman garrison employed in rescuing St Paul from the hands of the Jewish mob during the feast of the Passover3.

Again, the scene of the Crucifixion furnishes St John with another opportunity of showing his intimate knowledge of Roman military customs. A quaternion (rerpaBiov Acts xii. 4) of soldiers, as we learn from Vegetius and others4, was usually employed as a watch on night duty, or for purpose of escort. Now, it is noticeable that, when the other Evangelists speak of the guard which attended at the Crucifixion, no number is given. It is simply stated (Matt, xxvii. 35, Mark xv. 26, Luke xxiii. 34), that the soldiers divided the Saviour's garments among them. St John however gives the actual number. But observe how incidentally the fact comes out. He makes no mention of a quaternion: he merely says,' Then the soldiers, when they had crucified Jesus, took His garments, and made four parts, to every soldier a part.' The information is not paraded in any way; it is involved in the narrative.

1 On the other hand, though 'the the chief priests (Matt. xxvi. 5) as evi

band' is mentioned by the Synoptists dence to these disturbances.

(Matt, xxvii. 27, Mark xv. 16) at a 'Acts xxi. 31 sq, where again the

later stage in the proceedings, the same technical terms are used with

definite article, as used in the Fourth the definite article iviftri <p&at7 T<# Xixi

Evangelist, is more decisive. dpxv rrjt airelprp K.t.\. This account,

4 When Cumanus was procurator, like that in the Fourth Gospel, is pro

the insolent conduct of a Boman bably the narrative of an eye-witness,

soldier at the Passover resulted in a 4 De singulis centuriis quaterni equi

riot (Ii, J. l.c, cf. .int. xx. 5. 3) in tes et quaterni pedites excubitum

which ten thousand (B. J. I.e., twenty noctibus faciunt, Vegetius de re mili

thousand Ant. l.c.) Jews perished. tari iii. 8; cf. Philo in Flacc. 13, n. p.

For the disturbances at the great 933 «rparuinjc Tira raw A> Tou rerpaSlois

festivals see B. J. i. 4. 3. Whiston <pv\aKiin> Ko.b' 6s6v tvpuv, Polyb. vi. 33

instances the cautious procedure of Ta <pv\iKei6v 4<m.v U rtrripav dvSp&r.

One more instance, and I leave this part of the subject. 'The Jews,' we read, 'besought Pilate that their legs might be broken....Then came the soldiers, and brake the legs of the first, and of the other which was crucified with Him (xix. 31, 32).' This again is a detail added by St John, which a forger would not have cared to risk. For crurifragium. formed no part of a crucifixion. It was a separate punishment1, to which slaves could be subjected at the caprice of their masters, and it was abolished together with crucifixion at the command of Constantine (Lipsius de Cruce in. 14). But there is some reason to suppose that it was used to hasten death in the case of Jewish criminals (Lactant. Inst. iv. 26), in order that the ends of justice might not be defeated by the Mosaic enactment which required the bodies to be taken down on the day of execution (Deut. xxi. 23 quoted by Tertull. adv. Judaeos 10).

(ii) The writer's acquaintance with Jewish Institutions.

1. The High-Priesthood.

The relative positions of Annas and Caiaphas at the time of the Crucifixion have been a source of some perplexity. Annas the high-priest had been deposed by Gratus the predecessor of Pilate, and after intermediate appointments Gratus had nominated Caiaphas to the office. The date of Caiaphas' succession is probably A.D. 25, one year before Pilate became procurator, and he was deposed apparently about the passover of A.d. 37; whereupon there followed a series of changes, as many as seven high-priests holding office in the next ten years. These facts we learn from a comparison of certain passages in Josephus (esp. Ant. xviii. 2. 2 compared with xviii. 4. 3). Thus at the time of our Lord's Passion Caiaphas was the actual high-priest, while Annas had been high-priest a few years before. Turning now to the New Testament, we find a certain vagueness in the description of the two by the Synoptists, a vagueness due partly to the wide use of the word dpxiepev<;, but not altogether explained thereby.

1 See Plant. Asinar. ii. 4. 68, Paen. Aug. 67, Tib. 44, passages quoted with iv. 2. 64, Sen. de Ira iii. 32; Suet. others by Lipsius de Cruce a. 14.

Thus, in his Gospel St Luke dates the first year of our Lord's ministry eV! dp^tepico? "Avva Kox Kturiupa (Luke iii. 2), but in the Acts he mentions as present at the meeting of the Sanhedrin shortly after the day of Pentecost "Awns 6 dp^iepeix; itai Kcua^a? (Acts iv. 6). He would seem therefore either to have consulted documents which did not recognise the validity of Caiaphas' appointment, or to have had himself no very clear conception of the relative positions of the two. The account in the Fourth Gospel is much more precise. St John is aware that Caiaphas is the high-priest (xi . 49, xviii. 13, 24), but he assigns an important position to Annas also, whom in some sense he recognises likewise as dpxiepev<; (xviii. 15, 16, 19, 22)\ On these facts we may remark, first that this unguarded, and to us unintelligible, way of speaking betokens a genuine author, who does not feel the necessity of explaining what to himself is a familiar fact. As was natural with one who was 'known unto the high-priest' (ywoo-ro? T^5 dpxt,epei xviii. 15,16), he evidently has a very clear conception of the relation of the two persons, though he has not definitely put it on paper. Secondly, so far as we are able to test the accuracy of his facts, they satisfy the test, i.e. Caiaphas is the actual highpriest. Thirdly, his account serves as a connecting link between scattered and apparently divergent notices in the New Testament3. Yet this episode about Annas in the history of the Passion is peculiar to St John*.

The use of 6 dpxiepev<> as applied to two different persons in St John is admirably illustrated by a passage in Josephus (Ant. xx. 9. 2). The high-priest Ananias (the Ananias of the Acts) has been deposed, and Ishmael the son of Phabi has succeeded (Ant. xx. 8. 8). Ishmael again has been set aside, and his place given to Joseph, surnamed Kabi (xx. 8. 11).

1 The A. V. lias taken unwarrantable - e.g. Matt. xxvi. 3, 57 compared

liberties with iri<rrei\er in xviii. 24. with Acts iv. 6.

It should be 'sent him' not 'had sent s Keini's attempt (in. p. 322) to set

him.' The events are related in strict this episode of Annas aside is quite

chronological order. futile.

Shortly after, Joseph is deposed, and the office conferred upon the younger Annas or Ananus, son of the Annas of the Gospels (xx. 9. 1). A period of three months however witnesses the fall of Ananus, and Jesus (Joshua) the son of Damnaeus is appointed (ib.). In spite of this, however, after these four changes in the high-priestly office, when Ananias reappears upon the scene, he is still called 'the high-priest' (6 dp-%iepev<; xx. 9. 2), and this title is applied to him, even as late as the breaking out of the Judaic war (B. J. ii. 17. 6. 9), though in the meantime there has been a fifth change1 in the actual holder of the high-priesthood. And this is not all. Ananias is designated 'the high-priest' in describing his dealings with the actual high-priest even in the same sentence (Ant. xx. 9. 2 6 Be ap^tepei)? 'Avavias itaff kKa<myi> K.tx. rjv yap ^prjfiarwv TTOpurriKoif xad' r'ip.epav yovv rbv 'AXfilvov Kai Tov dpj^iepea BtApois e6epa-rrevev). This is at least as great an intermingling of the use as in John xviii.; and is exactly of the same kind8. Again, the passage in Josephus gives an example of the employment of the plural (<u re dp^iepelv %p.oia K.tx.), a sufficiently striking phenomenon. All this is perfectly natural in Josephus, a contemporary and eye-witness, perfectly natural also in the Fourth Evangelist, supposing him to be a contemporary and eye-witness; but incredible in a forger, who could not have failed to betray himself by some slip when treading upon such delicate ground. Lastly, the prominence assigned by Josephus to Ananias is a parallel to the case of Annas in the Gospel and the Acts. If we had only a chapter or two of Josephus detached from the sequence of the narrative, and read of 'Ananias the high-priest,' we should certainly suppose him to have been the actual holder of the office at the time.

1 Jesus the son of Gamaliel ap- may be considered doubtful. On the

pointed in place of Jesus the son of other hand Mr Sanday (p. 245) con

Damntcus (Ant. xx. 9. 4). siders the title to apply to Caiaphas

3 It is evident that the references in throughout, a view which compels him

vc. 13, 24 are to Caiaphas, those in to regard the aorist dir&rroXn' in v.

vv. 19, 22 to Annas, while It. 15, 16 24 as a pluperfect.

It is conceivable that some such mistaken inference has resulted in the expression 'Annas the high-priest and Caiaphas' in Acts iv. 6. Indeed it is quite possible that St Luke himself did not know the precise facts, but had copied an authentic document, in which an especially leading part had been assigned to Annas1.

2. The Jewish Festivals.

We cannot fail to notice the large place which religious festivals occupy in this Gospel. They are much more prominent than in the Synoptic narrative. The main incidents are connected with them, and this applies not merely to the Passover, but to the other feasts likewise.

(a) The Feast of Tabernacles is described in John vii. It is introduced by a remarkable expression (fiv Be 6771)9 v eoprrj Twv 'lovBalmv i) aKr}voTrrjyia v. 2). 'The feast of the Jews' was not in itself an unnatural way of designating the Feast of Tabernacles. For it was called by the rabbis Jp| 'the festival par excellence1,' and Josephus (Ant. viii. 4. 1) speaks of it as 'a feast of the utmost sanctity and importance among the Hebrews' (eopTtji atpoBpa trapa Tok 'EySpatot? d'yuorarrj<; ical fie<yio-rT]<;).

1 For the popular idea that the highpriest had a sort of inspiration (John xi. 51 'And this spake he not of himself, but being high-priest that year he prophesied') comp. JosephusB.J.m. 8. 3 repl KfUaeis Artipuv lKaris,..airit uv Upeis, and Philo de Creat. Prine. § 8 (n. p. 367) i rpit dXi^eiac lepds ti6vs iari T/m^ijttjs, the gift however being in both passages extended to the priesthood generally. Other minor references which show St John's acquaintance with Jewish rites and customs are (1) viii. 17, the necessity for two witnesses (cf. Deut. xvii. 6, six. 15, Matt, xviii. 16, 2 Cor. xiii. 1, Heb. x. 28, 1 John v. 7 sq); (2) viii. 44, the allusion to Gain (cf. 1 John iii. 12): the argument appealed to certain ideas prominent at the time which would not have occurred to any writer of a later date; (3) iv. 27, talking with a

woman, on which see above, p. 35; (4) ii. 6, the purificatory rites on which see Light foot, ad loc.; (5) marriage customs, especially 'the friend of the bridegroom' (iii. 29), a metaphor instinct with meaning, but it is only when we enter into the Jewish practice that this meaning comes out; (6) funeral ceremonies, especially the form of the grave (xi. 38, 41), and the mode of burial (xii. 7, xix. 39, 40, xx. 1, 5, 7, 11), on which last point compare Tacitus Ann. xvi. 6, where we read of Popprea, a Jewish proselyte, 'corpus non igni abolitum, ut Romanus mos; sed regum externorum consuetudine differtum odoribus conditur.' Most of these passages are well illustrated from rabbinical sources in Lightfoot's Horae Hebraicae.

3 See Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, 1. v.

It was sufficiently prominent to attract the notice

of the heathen, as Plutarch (Symp. iv. 6, Op. Mor. p. 671 sq.),

who regards it as a sort of Dionysiac festival. Still, if the

words 77 eoprrj Tu>v 'lovSaiwv alone had been used, the Passover

would probably have been meant. Hence the words 17 <tkt)vo

-n-rjyia are added. A little later on (v. 37) St John speaks of

the 'last, the great day of the feast' (iv Ttj iaxdrp rjfiipa rfj

fieydXy Tt}<; eoprrj<i), language which may mean either the

last of the seven days, i.e. strictly speaking the last of the

feast, or the eighth day, the holy convocation, which followed

upon the seven. There seems however to have been no special

sanctity about the seventh day1. The first was apparently

much more important than the seventh. On the other hand it

is urged that the eighth day did not properly belong to the

feast, which lasted only seven days. But though the feast is

sometimes spoken of as a seven days' feast, and the eighth day

is not regarded (Deut. xvi. 13 sq., Ezek. xlv. 25), yet elsewhere

the eighth day is reckoned as part of the feast, and a special

prominence attached to it. This is the case in Numb. xxix. 35,

in Neh. viii. 18, in 2 Macc. x. 6a, in Philo and Josephus" and in

Jewish writers generally*. I need not dwell upon the fact,

to which attention has been frequently drawn, that on this

occasion our Lord bases His discourse (vii. 37 sq., viii. 12 sq.)

upon the two most prominent features in the ceremonial of the

day, the pouring out of the water of Siloam upon the altar, and

the illumination of the city by flaming torches lighted in the

Temple area5.

1 Buxtorf, Syn. Jud. xvi. p. 327, <5irr<i iopr^v ayovras, Jos. Ant. iii . 10.

gives a certain prominence to it in his 4, and so a Utile lower down dvlertai

description of the modern Jewish ce- Si iri rarris tpyov Ko.t& Ttjv iySbqv

lebrations of the tabernacles: see too inxipar.

Groddeke in Ugol. xvin. p. 534. * Suceah iv. 4 (hymnns et gaudium

a fier' rfxppoativTjs rfyov ij/j^pat 6kt£> octo dies), iv. 9 (omnes ooto dies), v. 6

oKrivufL&tuv rpirov, 2 Mace. x. 6. (octavo die redibant ad sortes); of.

3 brth. Si iiftipius iyS6riv 4rtff<ppayt- Oem. Hierot. in Ugol. xvin. p. 492. ferai, xaXiffat i^6Siov airijr, owe ^/teinjt 5 On the ceremonies of the eighth day

us loute p.ivov trjs ioprijs iWa raauu see esp. Ewald Alterth. p. 404. The

7W irrialit»> ojat KarripidiJ.-liaafiev, Philo people broke up their tents and re

Septen. § 24, p. 298 M.; rinipat paired to the Temple. As the dwelling in tents symbolized the wilderness life, 3 ii fiiv yip ItKtuoaforis i<rrlr ij Si

itself a deliverance from bondage, so dSiKlat ipxh tt ital tTjyij, *ai ^

the eighth day would be taken to iaxlov <purds, ii Si ffxoroih avyyev^s,

signify the end of their wanderings Philo Septen. § 24, not as read in the

when they settled in the land of ordinary texts, but as given in Tisch.

promise.

It will be sufficient to notice, first, that as in our Lord's discourse, so in the ceremonial itself, the lighting of the lamps followed the pouring out of the water, and was intimately connected therewith; secondly, that it took place in the court of the women where the treasury (ya%o<f>v\aKiov) stood1, and where our Lord was speaking at the time (viii. 20). Thus He would be able to point to the candelabra. Thirdly, it is worthy of remark that Philo also incidentally connects the same two images with the Feast of Tabernacles3.

(6) The Feast of Dedication. This festival (rd eyicalvia) is mentioned by St John alone, and it is remarkable how thorough and confident a knowledge of it is implied in his narrative. Here, again, the mode in which it is introduced deserves notice, 'At that time the feast of dedication was held at Jerusalem' (x. 22 eyevero Tots ra eyicaivia iv Toi<; '\epoaoXvfioi<;). There is no mention made, as in the case of other feasts (e.g. ii. 13, iv. 45, v. 1, vii. 8), of going up to Jerusalem. For the iyicaivia, unlike the Passover, Tabernacles and Pentecost, might be celebrated anywhere (see Lightfoot ad loc.). 'It was winter,' we are told. Now the festival was held to commemorate the purification and dedication of the altar and temple after pollution by Antibchus Epiphanes B.C. 167. This event and the institution of the annual festival are described in 1 Macc. iv. 36 sq., where Judas Maccabaeus directs that the commemoration should take place ' from year to year by the space of eight days, from the five and twentieth day of the month Chisleu (v. 59).' Now the month Chisleu falls in November and December, coinciding more nearly with December, and the Jewish winter is reckoned to commence on the fifteenth of Chisleu. Hence the notice of the season of the year in St John is strictly accurate.

Philonea. 1 See below, p. 169.

Yet it is introduced quite incidentally, apparently to explain the fact that Jesus was not teaching in the open air but under cover. 'It was winter, and Jesus was walking in the Temple in Solomon's porch.'

(c) The Feast of the Passover. Graphic touches which illustrate St John's acquaintance with the details of this feast are his references to the paschal victim (xix. 36), to the danger of ceremonial pollution (xviii. 28), and to the Preparation (irapaaKevrj xix. 14, 31, 42), a term which he employs in common with the Synoptists (Matt, xxvii. 62, Mark xv. 42, Luke xxiii. 54), but, unlike St Matthew, uses twice without the article, and in one case defines more accurately by the addition of the words Tov irao-ya (xix. 14), implying that the term was not restricted to the Passover1. Lastly, the parenthetical remark on xix. 31, 'For the day of that sabbath was a high day' (rjp yap fieydXrj 17 'fip.ipa iKeivov Tov o-afi/3arov) points to the special sanctity of the day as a double sabbath, the sabbath alike of the week and of the festival, hebdomadal as well as Paschal.

(iii) The Topography of Jerusalem.

From this review of the festivals we pass on to consider the localities mentioned in the Fourth Gospel, merely premising that the complete destruction of Jerusalem by Titus and Hadrian would have gone far to obliterate traces of the actual sites, and would thus have rendered the work of a subsequent forger more than usually exposed to danger of errors.

(a) The Temple. We start with the Temple. Observe the familiarity with which the Evangelist moves about among the sacred precincts. He mentions the Porch of Solomon,'the east portico,' as Josephus describes it to us (Ant. xx. 9. 7), 'on the outer part of the Temple, lying in a deep valley with walls four hundred cubits (long), built of square and very white stones' of enormous size.

1 This was apparently the case (Lightfoot, Hor. Heb. on Mark xv. 42).