Century XVI, Chapter XVI

CHAP. XVI.

FROM THE VISITATION OF THE ELECTORATE OF
SAXONY TO THE COMPARISON OF LUTHEB
AND ZUINGLE.

j. Luther's Sentiments On Obedience To Magistrates.

2. His Sentiments On Toleration.

3. Zuingle's Sentiments On The Same Subjects.

4. Sentiments Of Luther And Of Zuingle Om

Predestination.

5. Conferences At Marpurg.

6. Peculiar Opinions Of Zuingle. His Dream.

7. Zuingle And Luther Compared.—Which Was

The First Reformer?

1. Obedience To Magistrates.

^<^^V_I^P# In the course of the year 1528, several circum>—'^—> stances occurred, which cast much additional light _{A D} on the real practical principles of the German 1528. Reformers. Praciicai The Protestants beheld all the motions of the of L«ther Romanists with extreme jealousy, and had already his concerted some measures for their own protection *. In moments of so much suspicion and fear, it was therefore natural that they should lend an ear to every story which was calculated to threaten and to alarm. Then it was affirmed, on very plausible evidence, that a number of the first potentates of * Page 144.

associates.

Germany, with Ferdinand at their head, had, some Cent. months ago, concluded a treaty at Breslaw, of ^XVI- , which one great object was, by an allied army to compel the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse to re-establish the ancient religious corruptions. Moreover, if the elector should refuse to give up Luther and his innovations, and if the landgrave also should persevere in his obstinacy, it was stipulated that the leaders of the confederacy should divide the possessions of the vanquished,and that the rest should be satisfied with pecuniary payments *.

We leave it to the secular historians to develop the truth of this mysterious business, which had well nigh involved the states of Germany in all the horrors of a civil war. The historian of the Church of Christ is chiefly concerned in the part which the Reformers acted at such a crisis. Suffice it to say, that the mild and steady temper of John The Constant gave way at length to the warmth and impetuosity of the landgrave ; and the two princes Alliance <.f agreed, in the former part of this year, to raise an ^the Elector army of twenty thousand foot and six thousand Landgrare, horse "f. Almighty God, they said, had graciously A. D. bestowed on them and their subjects the rich gift of 1528. the Gospel; and they thought themselves bound to protect their religion, at the hazard of their dignity, their possessions, and their lives.

Suddenly, the powerful influence of Evangelical

principles manifested itself at this juncture. The f^"^ Wittemberg divines declared for pacific measures, obedience Their leader Luther, with his associate Melancthon, J"_af_e',^aB'^s' wrote several letters to the elector, in which he confutes the reasoning of the landgrave, who had argued that the steps already taken by their adversaries amounted to actual aggression. On the contrary, Luther contended, that their prince the elector, ought to wait till some overt act of incon• Comp. de Luth. H. XXXV. 3. . • t Ibid.5.

Chap, trovertible aggression should take place, or at least . ^XV1' , till the reports of an intended hostility were completely substantiated. As matters stood at present, the popish princes, though accused of having formed a conspiracy against their neighbours, positively denied the fact; and the imperial regency, which was a legal authority, had, by express mandate, ordered the Protestants to lay down their arms. *' Here then," said Luther, " Providence affords an excellent opening for peace, which with a good conscience, ye cannot reject; ye ought rather to dispatch a conciliatory and even submissive embassy to Ferdinand and the council of regency. It is true, the imperial order may probably have been obtained at the solicitation of your adversaries; nevertheless you ought to obey the supreme magistrates,—especially when they enjoin nothing but what appears just and laudable. To speak plain, I must repeat the protestation which I lately made before your highness at Altenburg; namely, that though it will give us the greatest pain to be separated from such a kind patron and parent as our prince, yet we must quit this part of the country, rather than be partakers of the infamy which will infallibly attach to your highness in the prosecution of unlawful hostilities ; and, if I mistake not, many good men will follow our example. You had much better break the treaty you have made with the landgrave, than commence a war of this sort." Such is the substance 'of Luther's admirable advice and remonstrance on this occasion. The memoir is in his own hand-writing, subscribed also by Melancthon : and in a similar strain of freedom and sincerity, these excellent men opened their minds to John Frederic the son of the elector*.

All this is the more remarkable, because there is no doubt that secretly Luther was fully convinced the treaty of Breslaw was by no means a mere • Seck. II. Add. 98—99.

nities of learning the interior counsels of several of ' the courts of Germany, has recorded his own opinion to the same effect f. The more accurately we scrutinize the practical notions of the Saxon Reformers respecting obedience to the " powers that be," the preservation of peace, and the justification of war, the more shall we be satisfied that they were all entirely derived from the sacred oracles.

The tender conscience of the elector of Saxony Consciemi-was much affected by the arguments and sugges- "^," 'TM^{uA of}

«/ o oo tht elector

tions of his Wittemberg theologians. Almost imme- John,
diately he procured a modification of his late treaty
with the landgrave, whereby it became purely a
defensive treaty; and he also sent his son to the
court of Hesse Cassel, to prevent the commence-
ment of hostilities. The young prince, John Fre-
deric, exhibited on this occasion a prudence not
very common at his time of life. He said, " the
circumstances called for a middle line of conduct.
The friends of Evangelical doctrine ought by no
means to break the peace; but they should ever
preserve a watchful eye on their persecutors, and
ever maintain a posture of defence." But it was
no easy matter to restrain the juvenile ardour of the
landgrave, and prevent him from marching his
army into the possessions of his neighbours. At
the head of his Hessian soldiers, he menaced his
father-in-law, George of Saxony ; and at the same
time in excessively warm terms blamed the unsea-
sonable moderation of the elector of Saxony, which
in a great measure he imputed to Luther. The
differences, however, for the present, were at length
happily composed, and without bloodshed, through
the mediation of the elector of Treves, and the
elector Palatine.

* Com. de Luth. II. XXXV. 13. Also Ep. II. 379 & 387t Com. de Luth. II. XXXV. 17.

2. On Toleration.

IT was painful to the mind of Luther, as well as injurious to the cause of the Reformation, that after all that had been done to repress the fury of the Anabaptists, that fanatical sect continued to increase, and diffuse in all directions its contagious influence. Never was the grand maxim, that religious sentiments are not to be eradicated by persecution, more strikingly verified than in the conduct of these rebellious fanatics. Not only in Germany, but almost in every part of Europe, princes and magistrates used the utmost severity in punishing these sectarian teachers, and in preventing the dissemination of their tenets. In effect, all good governments had reason to dread the progress of the Anabaptists,—who taught the people to despise their lawful rulers, and the salutary regulations by which all communities exist. George of Saxony had alarmed his cousin, John, the elector, by intimating the danger there was of new seditions in Thuringia. " The common people there, " he said, " were expecting their Real Lord And Master to appear shortly in defence of his own Word and Gospel; and even in the alehouses talked of their hopes and prospects without disguise*." Every where it was the cry of these enthusiastic visionaries, —" No tribute—all things in common—no tithes— no magistrates—the kingdom of Christ is at hand ; —the baptism of infants is an invention of the devil! "—These and many other extravagant notions f, the deluded zealots maintained with an unconquerable fortitude, worthy of a better cause. Neither the sword, nor fire, nor the gibbet, could induce them to recant.

Notwithstanding the absurd principles and de

* Seek. Addit.a. II. 97.
t Page 204.

testable practices of the German Anabaptists in the former part of the sixteenth century, we cannot doubt that of the vast multitudes included under that denomination, there must have been many persons of sincerely pious and pacific dispositions, though probably unlearned, and liable to be led away by impassioned enthusiasts or artful incendiaries. " "

Luther has left a brief, but important testimony to the character of some of these men. " Satan," says he " rages : we have need of your prayers. The new sectarians, called Anabaptists, increase in number; and display great external appearances of strictness of life, as also great boldness in death, whether they suffer by fire or by water *."

But as patience and courage in suffering persecution were looked on by the sound and judicious Protestants, as by no means constituting the only essential qualifications of a reformer, it was impossible that Luther and his associates should receive the Anabaptists as friends and partners in the great struggle for Christian truth and liberty. They detested their turbulence and sedition, while they pitied their folly and delusion, and their pretences to extraordinary sanctity. Meanwhile the Anabaptists themslves claimed a connection or good understanding with the Lutherans, as often as it suited their purpose; and the Papists, either ignorantly, or through artifice, always represented Luther as the grand culprit; and the various sects as ramifications of his fundamental heresy. Discrimination was deemed needless, by men who considered all opposition or disobedience to the established hierarchy as the greatest of crimes, and were ready to punish the offenders with the most unrelenting barbarity.

In whatever way such wilful or careless misrepresentation of the facts might serve the purposes of error or iniquity, it behoved those who loved light * To Sprenger, II. 366. VOL. V. K K

Chap, rather than darkness, to exhibit themselves ex ample J . ^,xy^J- . of godly truth and sincerity. And here the diligent student of the Reformation is presented with an excellent opportunity of narrowly inspecting- both the principles and the practice of Luther- Balthazar Hubmeier had been an eloquent and useful preacher of the Gospel * in Suabia, till Munzer infected him and some others in Switzerland with his mischievous notions. From that time Balthazar became an active leader of the Anabaptists, raised disturbances in one place after another, till he was at length seized in Moravia, and suffered under papal cruelty in the flames at Vienna f- " I wish," says Zuingle, speaking of this man, " I may be deceived ; but to me an immoderate thirst for praise and for money appear to be his sole motives^;."

Balthazar, to promote his own views, had represented, in a little publication, the sentiments of Luther as the same with his own. A calumny of that kind was not to be passed by in those circumstances without some notice. Luther published a brief reply, which consisted chiefly in an appeal to his own sermons, and to the well-known fact, that there was not a single Anabaptist to be found in all the electorate of Saxony.

At the same time, however, he took occasion to reprobate the cruel sufferings inflicted on the poor wretches by the persecutions of the ecclesiastical rulers ; insisting with the utmost precision on that grand distinction of which this Reformer never lost sight,—that errors in articles of faith were not to ts- be suppressed or extirpated by fire and sword, but confuted by the word of God; and that recourse ought never to be had to capital penalties, except in cases of actual sedition and tumult. The blindness

• Scult. p. 225. in XXIV.

+ Ibid, in XXV. p. 262. Also Du Pin. II. so. Com. de tuth. II. XL. 12. \ Letter to Peter Gynoneua. Op. Zuing. JI. 115.

and darkness in which such men are often left, said Cent. Luther, are in themselves a sufficient punishment *. _v ^xv1. The following declarations abundantly manifest _Luther., the candid and enlightened spirit of this Reformer, reasons for " We differ from these fanatics, not merely in the fmmV^ article of baptism, but also in the general reason "'<»•• which they give for rejecting the baptism of infants. ' It was,' say they, ' a practice under the Papacy.' Thus, it was with them a sufficient reason for rejecting any thing,—that the Papists had adopted it. Now w E do not argue in that manner. We allow that in the Papacy are many good things; and all those good things we have retained. What we affirm is this; That the popes have in many instances corrupted the apostolick church; and have preferred

ordinances of Christ. Therefore all that accumulated mass of human contrivances, which is of Satan's suggestion, and contributes to the destruction of the church of God, rather than to its edification, we entirely disapprove and reject. But then we stop here. We would not imitate the man, who on seeing his brother in the utmost danger of being killed by a wild boar, instantly pierced both the boar and his brother with one thrust of his spear. Perhaps some Papists will accuse me of flattering the pope in this instance : My Answer is; If the pope will bear such flattery as this, I will become his obedient son; I will be a good Papist, and will recant all that I have said to offend him f."

These sentiments are the more deserving of notice, because they have often been quoted i N A Mutilated Way by the adversaries of the Reformation, to show that, from Luther's concessions it might be proved there existed no necessity of a separation from the church of Rome.—The fact is, the Protestants never denied that the foundations of

their own laws and ordinances

• Com.de Luth. II. XL. 12.
t Ibid. 13 and 14.

Cm A p. the faith were to be found in the Romish church; ^ ^xu' , but they complained of great errors and abuses, and of numerous superstitions ; and as they could obtain no relief, they determined no longer to partake in the iniquity. Additional The judgment of Luther, on the subject of LutheV"' Religious Toleration, was called forth still more exT'T'ie"" phcitly by the vexation, which the best Protestants tmn. "* of those times underwent from the practices of the fanatical sectarians, especially the Anabaptists.— His worthy friend, Lincus, probably in a state of irritation, had asked him, " Whether he conceived the magistrate to be justified in putting to death teachers of false religion ;" a question, then little understood, and not generally agreed upon till long afterwards. " I am backward," replied Luther, " to pass a sentence of death, let the demerit be Kj. ever so apparent. For I am alarmed, when I reflect on the conduct of the Papists, who have so often abused the statutes of capital punishment against heresy, to the effusion of innocent blood. Among the Protestants, in process of time, I foresee a great probability of a similar abuse, if they should now arm the magistrate with the same powers, and there should be left on record a single instance of a person having suffered legally for the propagation of false doctrine. On this ground, I am decidedly against capital punishment in such cases, and think it quite sufficient that mischievous teachers of religion be removed from their situations *."

That Martin Luther in such an age, and in opposition to the habits of a popish education, could maintain these sentiments of justice and moderation, must be considered as an extraordinary instance of that liberal and magnanimous spirit, with which the Saxon Reformer was eminently endowed ; and the judicious reader 'will not be disposed to think

* Ep. II. 381. b. See also hi* Letter to Jos. Metarh. Sup. Ep. 70.

worse of his practical conclusion in the matter of Cent. Toleration, because he was led to rest his argu- > ^xy^1- , ments on Experience, rather than on visionary theories concerning the rights of private judgment. Where we are to look for examples of similar discrimination and freedom from party violence, under any circumstances resembling those in which Luther was placed, I know not: Certainly we shall have occasion to lament, in the progress of this history, that some other reformers, even of the most gentle and beneficent tempers, were of a very different opinion, deceived, no doubt, by the perversion of Old Testament precedents, which derived their force from the Jewish theocracy.

In the point of Consubstantiation, and in his re- OMinacy fusal to hold an explicit fraternal communion with °[ Jj,TM"¹"-,,, the Sacramentarians, Luther still persisted. Of his of c.«.subconduct in this respect, I pretend to give no satis- ^5ti,"^uatlu"' factory account. Let it be classed among the surprising inconsistencies which are to be observed in the history of human nature. Without doubt, it was in itself utterly indefensible, and also perfectly unlike what might have been expected from his general principles of toleration and facility in other articles, as well as from the uncommon sacrifices which he had made of a thousand prejudices of education, apparently much harder to be overcome than this.

Luther's uniform abhorrence of the inhumanity HinWio*. of consigning heretics to the sword or the flames, cu'piurpuappears on manv occasions; and this both directly !"«^l'^racl,ts

* * * ..._ in the esse

and indirectly.—The following is an instance of the of heretics. Indirect kind.—His extreme aversion to the Sacramentarians is not to be questioned ; yet, when the elector of Saxony consulted him, respecting a soldier, who, in his cups, had maintained theopinion of Zuingle, and reviled the doctrine of Consubstantiation, he answered, " A man of this sort should be enjoined silence, rather than, be permitted to

Chap, mislead simple minds on a subject which he himself _v ^XV1, j does not understand. But if he will continue to talk, let him procure information from the clergy: at all events, he must not be allowed to abuse the lawful ministers of the country *."

The Direct testimonies of Luther against the cruelty of persecutors are innumerable.—There is a remarkable one at the end of one of his little treatises on the Sacrament. " Were there no other reason," says he, " for leaving the communion of the church of Rome, this single one would be sufficient; -—they shed innocent blood, contrary not only to the Divine, but even to the Pontifical law itself. They have no statute which makes it death to communicate in both kinds, yet they bum laymen who do so. They also burn their priests for marrying, when the penalty of their law is only degradation. I say then, They Are Men Of Blood; and if I were at present a member of their communion, their savage barbarity would induce me to leave them for ever, even though I had no other fault to find with them f«"

3. Zuingle's Sentiments On The Same. Subjects.

ZuingieS On the two great practical subjects, Obedience

"nVruied ^{TO GOVEttNORS}> ^aQd RELIGIOUS TOLERATION,

with Lu- there is so marked a difference between the sentiOierS. rjnents of Luther and Zu ingle, that it seems to be the duty of the historian to call the attention of his reader to certain facts which prove this point beyond all controversy. When the emperor, in the year A. D. 1530, threatened to re-establish the ancient Romish 1530. usages in some of the imperial cities, the ministers of Ulm and Memingen consulted the great Swiss reformer concerning the part which they ought to

* Ex MS. in Seek. Index HI. 1528, 28.

t Com. do Luth. II. XL. 10. . . - ■

act, in case they should be driven to the last ex- Cent. tremity. —" Stand firm," said Zuingle, " to the ,, ^xy^L , truth; and promise the emperor due obedience, zoingie adprovided he does not touch your religion. If he ^r!^{KS to re}refuse those terms, then tell him how much you Emperor, lament that he should be so ill advised, as to suppose, that he possesses a power over your consciences ; a power which no pious emperor ever did assume, nor any man could ever give; and that, therefore, there is nothing you will not hazard, rather than give way in this matter to any authority but the Word of God. A steady conduct alone, will extricate you from all your present difficulties. When the Papists shall see your resolute determination, I am confident they will not venture to employ force against you. They know very well, that if they go to war, their own possessions are liable to be plundered by the soldiers; and that after all,the event is doubtful. Besides, if the Romish hierarchy, nay, if any authority whatever, should begin to oppress the Gospel, and, if we, through negligence, should submit to the encroachment, I maintain, that we are as guilty of denying the truth as the oppressors themselves. Already ye have gradually shaken off Hn repubmuch of the Romish yoke ; what folly then now to ^ll.^Ci"l P"»submit, in spiritual things, to the emperor's authority, ^ciples' which is entirely derived from those very Papal pretensions which you have rejected !! Those hints are not to be thrown out in public discourses, but are to be reserved for proper seasons. You may show this letter,—without name, however,—to such of the brethren as you can trust*."

It may be unnecessary for the historian to add, how much all this savours of the republican.

The zeal and spirit of Zuingle is conspicuous in Hu the peremptory advice he gives to his friends, to ^{,nd lVi}"¹⁴ destroy, if possible, every vestige of the Romish superstitions. " The Papists," he said, " in some

* Op. Zuing. I. 413. b.

Chap, places where the Gospel had been received, were ^x^'- , endeavouring to support their falling cause by artifice. Thevvat length showed a disposition to amend certain exceptionable ceremonies ; but this fair outside concealed an insidious intention of restoring the ancient corrupt usages which had been so happily abolished, and the Protestants ought not to suffer themselves to be thus deceived. The Roman pontiff would never give up the hope of recovering his authority as long as the mass was celebrated, and there existed in the churches images to be worshipped, and while there could be found a perpetual succession of harlots and rascally monks* to sing psalms and hymns. A king, whose army has saved itself by flight, may easily repair the disaster, and return to the charge ;. cut his army to pieces, and there is an end of his hopes. Just so it is with the pontificaji engines. Destroy them completely, and you destroy the pope's authority. Lose no time therefore; and do not wait to see what others do. Do not allow the Papists so much as to breathe, and recover from their consternation. Let your reasoning be simply as follows ;—This building, this structure, is raised in opposition to our Lord Jesus Christ.—We will demolish it therefore. —But still take care, lest in your haste to pull down, ye do mischief by the fall. In regard to colleges and monasteries, I hold the same doctrine; that is, destroy every thing in them that is properly and strictly popish. Ye understand me sufficiently. I do not entirely agree with those who think cowls and images and such like things to be matters of indifference."

Ti.e mild Nothing, however, could be more truly christianZumpie io- than the conduct of Zuingle in the commencement w;.r<uii.e of his disputes with the Anabaptists of Zurich, in n"*^bim" the year 152.5. Those artful proselytes of IVIunzer ihrii fir>t (J_rsj _m a clandestine manner insinuated to the minds.

rise.

* " Scortis et niouachia nebulonibus." Op. Zuing. I. 420.

of the people, that the Reformation, which had taken place among them through the instrumentality of Zuingle, was in its whole plan contracted and inefficient, and neither deep nor finished, nor sufficiently spiritual. After this, they addressed Zuingle himself in grave and imposing language, reproaching him with managing the business of religion in a slow and frigid manner; and declaring, that now was the time for the real children of God to separate from the rest of their countrymen, as they did in the days of the Apostles : that the Spirit of God was at work, and unless men were-more in earnest, there was no hope of their salvation: that the senate of Zurich were at present a motley assembly ; but that a church, where all were pious members, would not fail to choose a pious senate. Zuingle replied to this statement in the kindest manner : " that there always would be a mixture of good and bad : that Christ had directed the tares and the wheat not to be separated till the time of harvest: that the example of the Apostles did not apply to the present times, when all men professed themselves to be Christians; whereas the secession of those days was that of believers from unbelievers: that a secession under the existing circumstances, he feared, would excite much disturbance; and, that as there was no necessity for so violent a measure, he could not look upon it as suggested by the Spirit of God. He added, that he was far from thinking so ill of the senate as they seemed to do; for that whatever defects they might have, they heartily favoured the Gospel of Christ. Lastly, he particularly recommended it to the consideration of persons who seemed to be aiming at a church of perfect purity, to reflect, that of the ten virgins who went to meet the bridegroom, only five were wise and provident *."

* Op. Zuing. II, 7. b. and 57. Gerdes. I. 316.

Chap. When these enthusiasts were no longer able to

, ^xy^L , withstand the solid arguments of Zuingle, they be

Violent t₀ unfold their designs more distinctly, by in

fngsof the sisting on the necessity of adult baptism in all cases, ^An»: and by establishing rebaptization as the criterion of the genuine members of the visible Church of Christ The senate did their utmost to terminate the disputes; first, by procuring amicable conferences to be held between Zuingle on one side, and Manzius, an Anabaptist leader, on the other; and then by directing the parties to keep the peace. The Anabaptists declared they must obey God rather than men. Another fruitless conference took place; after which, the malcontents became furious and extravagant in the extreme. They flew to the city in vast swarms; abused Zuingle, calling him the Old Dragon, rebaptized the people in the streets, boasted of having all things in common, and threatened destruction to every one who refused to follow their example. They also prophesied—and cried, Woe to Zurich ! Woe to Zurich ! Repent or perish! Some of them, like Jonas, allowed the city forty days for repentance; and now, instead of defending their doctrine from Scripture, they cried, they were ready to seal the truth with their own blood.

In this prodigious agitation of men's minds, the senate proclaimed a freedom of public discussion, in consequence of which, every one had full leave to hear and be heard for three whole days together. Lastly, when this measure had failed to produce peace and tranquillity, Zuingle obtained permission to have, on November the 6th, A General and Solemn conference in the great church, where the points in dispute were again contested for the space of three days *. At length, a certain Anabaptist suddenly jumped up, and adjured Zuingle

by the living God to own the truth ; for the man Cent.

had persuaded himself, that Zuingle, in secret fa- ^XVK voured Anabaptism. Zuingle, with acuteness and promptitude, answered, I will ; and I say then,

YOU ARE THE RINGLEADER. OF THE SEDITIOUS

Rustics In This District.—Instantly there was a loud laugh, and the Anabaptist held his peace *.

After this Conference, the senate warned the people to desist from the practice of rebaptizing. But all was in vain.—They decreed therefore, that in future, all persons who professed Anabaptism, or harboured the professors of that doctrine, should be punished with death.

These things happened in 1525. Manzius, ne« NewLw vertheless, in defiance of the new law, and at the ^as*^,m>^t. hazard of his hie, ventured to rebaptize not a few within the jurisdiction of Zurich. He was appre-> "₂ ' hended by the order of the magistrates, and drowned in the river, on January the 5th, 1527. A little be- Mansim fore his execution, he praised God that he was per- P^{ut to} mitted to seal the truth by his death. He said, the z«rici* death of the faithful was predicted by Christ. Both ■ . _D the mother and the brother of Manzius exhorted him to finish his course with firmness; and they had the satisfaction of hearing him sing with a loud voice, " Into thy hands I commend my spirit f."

A very able and learned Protestant historian J of the Reformation informs us, that Manzius and his associate Grebel were both men of learning, who quarrelled with Zuingle about infant baptism ; and moreover, that Manzius was drowned at Zurich, Upon The Sentence Pronounced By Zuingle in these four words, Qui iterum mergit, mergatur; that is, He that rebaptizes with water, let him be

• Scultet. XXV. 257.

t Scultet. XXV. and XXVII. Dupin. II. XX. Gerdes.

H. 336.

¹ J Rev. Gerard Brandt, Professor of Divinity, and minister tothe Protectant Remonstrants at Amsterdam, l>>57

CH.vr*. drowned in the water. It is a lamentable truth, . ^XVL , that more tragedies of this kind were performed about the same time, which provoked the memorialists of those days to exclaim, " This procedure is very strange : the Zuinglians themselves are scarce out of the reach of persecutors ; the fires in which their fellow-believers were burnt, are still daily smoking. Most of them condemned the putting of heretics to death where it came home to themselves, and actually suffered death when they could not help it; and yet they practise the very same cruelties as soon as they are become uppermost Thus do they to others what they would not have , . done to themselves. Others employed Fire; They employ Water. Those that knew better things, ought to have done better: neither were they actuated by a good spirit, that could lead the wanderer into the ditch, instead of setting him in the right way: that could drown the infected, instead of washing and cleansing him ; or could burn the blind, instead of restoring him to the light*." Query whe- Expostulations of this kind will not fail, in our approved⁸¹' days at least, to affect every heart with a mixture of of punish- pain and indignation, and we may add, of anxiety Amiimpiists also, to know whether such a character as Zuingle withdeath. _{was rea}l]y involved in the perpetration of such barbarities.

l. This Reformer owns, that he was calumniated by the Anabaptists, as being the cause why the senate of Zurich had proscribed and banished them from the whole canton. At the same time he appeals to his accusers themselves, whether in their own presence he had not entreated the magistrates not to pass any severe edicts against them j-.,

This positive testimony of a conscientious Christian, had almost convinced me that the historian, Brandt, above mentioned, had been deceived by the want of discrimination in the Dutch authors whom * Brandt, p; 57. - • f Zuing. de Bapt. 57. - .

he follows, till further reflection and a nicer scrutiny into the dates of the several transactions, and also a comparison of different parts of the writings of Zuingle, removed the doubts in the following satisfactory manner.

2. Every person conversant in the Swiss history of those times, must be aware of the entire ascendant which Zuingle had then obtained over the magistrates of Zurich in ecclesiastical concerns. Absolutely unbounded were, their love and admiration of their countryman, to whose wisdom and courage they were so much indebted for Christian liberty : and there is no doubt, that, in general, he well deserved all their confidence and best affections. This circumstance therefore renders it a priori very improbable, that the senate, in the exercise of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction, should agree to inflict the barbarous penalty of death upon any species of heretics, not only without his concurrence in so strong a measure, but even contrary to his judgment and wishes.

Still, this is but conjecture, against the positive declaration of Zuingle,—that he pressed the senate to be gentle with the Anabaptists.

3. Let us then attend to the manner in which this eminent Reformer himself, without the least disguise or hesitation, recounts the circumstances under which the senate of Zurich decreed the penalty in question.

Speaking of the solemn conference, mentioned in p. 506, he says, " After That Conference, which was indeed the tenth, besides many others, both public and private, our very Renowned senate decreed, that, ' whoever should rebaptize any person, should himself be drowned in water.'" " I may perhaps tire you, good reader," continues he, " with this long account; but I am not influenced by heat or party spirit, or any other motive

Chap, than that of a faithful vigilance and solicitude for ^xvt-the churches. Many of our brethren, before they knew what sort of men we had to do with, were disposed to think they had been treated inhumanly throughout; but now, since their own congregations have suffered devastations from the same people, they own that all they had heard of them, was very

much short of the truth. Indeed, I believe

the whole world never before experienced a hypocrisy of this sort*." Now,

Is it possible that Zuingle should have expressed himself in this manner concerning the senate of Zurich, and their inhuman treatment of the unhappy enthusiastic Anabaptists, unless he had been actually approving, consenting to, and probably recommending that cruel edict, which all the enlightened members of the Church of Christ must for ever condemn ! Further, be it observed, that,

4. The Solemn Conference of the contending parties, which was soon followed by this violent decree of the senate, commenced on the sixth of November, 152.5 f. Whereas it was in the former part of the same year that the Swiss Reformer pleaded with the magistrates in favour of the Anabaptists J. And then,

With these facts in view, the discerning reader will have no difficulty in drawing for himself the just inferences. He will see, that between the month of May, and the conclusion of the conference in the succeeding November, the Anabaptists became so abominably outrageous, that the patience of Zuingle was absolutely exhausted; and that, therefore, there is in the accounts, no inconsistency

* Zuing. Elench. contra Catab. p. 8.
+ Scultet. XXV. 257.

J Zuingle's treatise de Baptismo, in which he says, he entreated the magistrates not to pass any severe edict against ibe Anabaptists, was written in May 1525.

which either can at all impeach the veracity of the Cent* Reformer, Ot materially * affect the accuracy of the . ^XVL > Dutch historian.—For the honour of the Reformation, I would it were in my power to clear the memory of the former from the imputation of an intolerant spirit, which led that great man to approve of capital punishments for no other offence, except the mere act of rebaptization !

In estimating, however, both the magnitude and the number of the persecutions which the Anabaptists of those times underwent, great care is required, not to confound the punishments inflicted on such as were proved guilty of tumult and sedition with the severe hardships and heavy penalties, which many of them certainly suffered on account of harmless practices, or even mere errors of judgment in articles of faith.

The several edicts of the senate of Zurich, issued during the rise of the Anabaptists, sufficiently manifest the spirit of those legislators. By the first, a penalty of two guilders was set upon all such as should suffer themselves to be rebaptized, or should withhold baptism from their children ;—and it was further declared, that those who opposed this order should be yet more severely treated f. By the second we have seen the punishment of Anabaptism was made capital. .

Erasmus, who always discovers a malignant sa- Erasmus'* tisfaction in exposing the faults of the Reformers, ^°^'_tl°.^f brings forward these cruelties of the Zuinglians in cntimu of one of his slanderous apologies, which has already been noticed §. " The Reformers," says he, " show a most wonderful zeal against punishing heretics with death ; whereas they themselves inflict capital punishment on the Anabaptists; a people against

* I say, materially, because it was scarcely accurate to represent Zuingle as pronouncing the sentence of death upon, Manzius.

t Brandt, p. 57- J Page 507. $ See page 341.

Chap, whom there is little to be said; and concerning *y* ■ „ whom we are assured there are many who have been reformed from the worst to the very best lives; and though they may foolishly err in certain opinions, yet they have never stormed towns nor churches, nor entered into any combinations against their governors*. I may add further, that the? bring better scriptural proofs in support of their doctrine, than those do, who argue that the words, ' this is my body,' mean, " this signifies mv body'f."

There is no denying, that at Basil also, the followers of Zuing-le exercised a considerable degree of the same sort of intolerance against those who dissented from them in mere non-essentials. Alluding to this, Erasmus, with great triumph, asks, " Whether it is not compulsion to oblige every one to pay a florin, who dares to receive the Sacrament in the neighbouring villages; or to threaten with the condemnation of the senate, all those who do not on Easter-day repair to the minister to receive mere bread and wine, instead of the body of Christ ?" In another place, he says, " At Basil they disclaim all compulsion, yet the receiving of the Lord's Supper any where, except as the magistrates direct, is punished with a penalty of one pound for the first offence, two for the second, four for the third, and banishment for the fourth J." He also intimates, that Balthazar Hubmeier was imprisoned six months at Zurich, through the cruel influence of Zuingle ; and at last got free, only by making his escape

. * What extraordinary lengths did his dislike of the Reformers carry Erasmus ! He knew very well the seditious ch»racter of the Anabaptists in general; yet how artfully does he here apologize for them, directing at the same time an ill-natured stroke against the Reformers, for putting themselves in a state of defence against their persecutors!

+ 1592, ad Frat. Germ. J Ep. p. 1453. § Op. X. 1602.

These and similar examples of persecution, to be Cent. found in the practice of some of the very best Re- , ^XVIformers, are the more to be lamented, because they Reflection sometimes prove a stumbling-block to weaker minds, persecuand always afford matter for triumph to profane ^tiwuunbelievers. However, as the unbending laws of historical veracity forbid the writer to suppress such things, he ventures to admonish his pious readers to extract profit from the reflections which are suggested by these sad proofs of human blindness and imperfection.

1. How slow are we all to imitate our great Exampler, who in the most trying moments cried out, " Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do !!"

2. How dangerous is a spirit of contention, of opposition, of vengeance ! And how often,—were it in our power,—should we be disposed to call down fire from heaven, as Elias did !

3. How watchful over the growth of bad tempers ought we to be in the very beginnings of all religious controversies !

4. Then in the progress of them, how does it become us to pause often and examine ourselves, lest we should suppose we are doing God service, when in reality we are impelled only by heat, animosity, and a desire of victory.

5. Lastly, when there really happens to exist in our motives some little good, are we not extremely apt to magnify it, till the fancied picture completely veils from our eyes that large admixture of evil, which on the whole miserably predominates. And is not this a fruitful source of deception?

But it is not the suggestion of general maxims, however important, which I had merely in view, in contrasting together the principles and practices of Martin Luther and Ulrick Zuingle.—The learned translator of Mosheim has enhanced the reputation

Vol. v. L L

of the latter, and very much at the expense of the former, in a manner which history by no means appears to me to justify. Other writers have not only implicitly followed Dr. Maclaine, but even gone much farther in decrying Luther, till at length a late elegant biographer has ventured to affirm, that this celebrated Reformer had no sooner, " freed his followers from the chains of papal domination, than he forged others, in many respects equally intolerable ;" and also, " that although he was ready on all occasions to make use of arguments from Scripture for the defence of his tenets, yet when these proved insufficient, he Seldom Hesitated to resort to more violent measures *."

Now as differences of opinions on momentous historical subjects are ever to be settled by a patient study and comparison of the original documents, rather than by hastily copying the prejudices of successive writers, it will, if I mistake not, be found that this history of the Reformation contains many important facts faithfully recorded, but not generally known, upon which the real character of Luther, Carolstadt, Zuingle, and others, must ultimately depend.

4. Predestination.

IT is a common, at the same time an erroneous notion, that the difference of the sentiments of Luther from those of all that class of Protestants

The erroneuui notion of many perfecting on the Continent, who had no connexion with H I S Prcdestina. churches, lay very much in the article of P R E DesTination t- There is a two-fold mistake in this position, originating, I conceive, in an inattention to those variations of doctrine, which in the subsequent periods of the history of the Reformation, took place both in the Lutheran and the othef churches that separated themselves from the Romish

* Roscoe's Leo X. vol. IV. p. 48 & 49—51.

t The Lutherans are supposed to have been Anti-Calvinistic.

communion. Certainly the Lutheran churches bv Cent. degrees became more Arminian, and, in general, v_ , ' the rest of the Protestant churches more Calvinistic afterwards ; but in truth, Consubstantiation was the single point in the early part of the Reformation, on which the unhappy separation almost entirely turned; and the consequences of this schism deserve to be noticed by pious Reformers in all ages, as a warning to bury in silence their unimportant disagreements, rather than to perpetuate them by a formal and explicit contention.

Ulrick Zuingle was the founder of those reformed churches, which held no communion with the Lu-> therans; and on a careful perusal of his voluminous writings, I am convinced, that certain peculiar sentiments*, afterwards maintained by Calvin, concerning the absolute decrees of God, made no part of the theology of the Swiss Reformer; and this observation may serve to correct one part of the twofold mistake above mentioned.—The other part will be done away effectually in the mind of every one who seriously attends to Luther's answer to the Diatribe of Erasmus. And thus it appears, not only that the lamentable rupture among the first Reformers was not occasioned by disputes concerning Predestination, but also, that if it had been so, the sentiments of the contending parties were really the reverse of what they are commonly supposed to be.

Nevertheless, the Saxon theologian, though he denied, as we have repeatedly seen, the existence of all human ability to save a lost sinner, as also the inefficacy of all human qualifications to merit reward ; and though he ascribed salvation to grace alone, and to the merciful will of God, yet on the delicate question of Predestination, ever displayed that moderation by which his mind was uniformly

* This subject may be examined more accurately in the sequel of this History.

Chap, influenced in all doctrinal inquiries Except Oxe*; ^XJ^1, , and, content with what Scripture had revealed, he never undertook to explain this difficult subject with any thing like a systematic precision; much less did he ever think proper to propose the arduous speculations concerning the Divine decrees as necessary articles of a Christian's faith.

It happened, however, that a neighbouring minister, with a view of comforting one of his flock, whose mind was much distressed respecting the secret counsels of God, was desirous of obtaining from Luther more satisfaction on this head than could be collected from his publications. This circumstance gave to our Reformer the occasion of writing an epistle, the subtance of which will be allowed by all sincere Protestants to be well adapted to the purpose for which it was composed ; and as a curious and inquisitive spirit of prying into the inscrutable mysteries of the Divine will, is but too often indulged by many serious persons, the perusal of a few quotations from Luther's advice may prove edifying to some Evangelical readers. Luti.er*» » Many have perished in the indulgence of such Prcdes- °" curious inquiries ; it is a temptation which leads tination. even to blasphemy. I myself, by giving way to it, have more than once been reduced to the last extremity. We, poor mortals, by faith can scarcely comprehend a few rays of the Divine promise, or receive in practice a few sparks of the Divine precepts; and yet, feeble and impure as we are, we rashly attempt to fathom the majesty of God in all its brightness. Do we not know that his ways are past finding out ? Instead of using well the mild light of the promises which is adapted to our faculties, we rush with eyes of moles, to view at once the majestic splendour of the Deity. What wonder then, if his glory should overwhelm us in the attempt to investigate it! We ought to know that there is such

* Consubstantiation. ■ .

a thing as the secret will of God: but the danger Cent. is when we attempt to comprehend it.—I am wont . ^xJ^Im to check myself with that answer of Christ to Peter, who had asked what was to become of John ;— ' What is that to thee? follow thou me.' But suppose we could give an accurate account of the judgments of Almighty God in his secret determinations : What advantage would accrue to us from such knowledge, beyond what lies open to us from the promises and the precepts,—from the former addressed to our faith,—from the latter to our practice ? Tell your friend, if he would have peace of mind, to abstain from such intricate speculations. The subject is incomprehensible, and the study of it may drive him to despair and blasphemy.—Let him not give way to Satan, who would weary him out, by presenting impossibilities to his mind. Let him exercise faith in the promises, and obey the commandments; and when he has discharged those duties well, he will be able to judge whether he will have any time left for impossibilities. There is no other remedy than to neglect, and not give way to such thoughts; though this is a difficult task, because Satan suggests the absolute necessity of attending to them. This battle however must be fought; and many persons fail in the contest by not suspecting their thoughts to be the temptations of Satan; whereas, these are the very fiery darts of That Wicked One. He himself fell from heaven by aiming at a knowledge above his station. Thus also he vanquished Adam, by teaching him to be dissatisfied with his ignorance concerning the will of God. Flight is the true wisdom here; there is no room for Christ to dwell in the heart, as long as reasonings of this kind are uppermost*." In another letter, while he admits the preordination and foreknowledge of God, nevertheless, from Ezek. xviii. 23, " Have I any pleasure at all that the wicked should die, saith the Lord God," he argues, that

* Ad. Caspar Aq. II. 392. b.

God chose and seriously decreed from eternity, the possibility of the salvation and everlasting¹ happiness of all men. And hence he concludes that the general promises of a gracious God, ought by no means to be limited; nor those suggestions of Satan to be indulged, which would separate us from the Divine mercy, which is represented in Scripture as infinite. He then refers the afflicted penitent to the Voice of God himself; " This is my beloved Son, hear him;" and to the words of Christ, proclaiming in the streets, " Come unto me, all ye that labour." He invites all, even the very worst, as publicans and harlots. Why should we perplex ourselves with difficult and circuitous roads, when the direct road is so clearly pointed out to us in the Gospel*.

5. Conferences At Marpurg.

IT is a very just observation of Father Paul"f, that " in the cause of religion every subdivision is a strong weapon in the hand of the enemy.'' The zealous landgrave of Hesse was so sensible of the importance of this maxim, that he spared no pains to unite the Lutheran and Zuinglian Protestants, and make them act in concert against the common enemy. In effect, the unhappy disagreement of these sects, was not only injurious to the Reformation in general, but also thwarted very much the military views of this active and magnanimous prince. Proposdt For the purpose of promoting so desirable an Landgrave, union, the landgrave, in the year 1529, proposed a friendly conference to be held at Marpurg between the heads of the two denominations. Thither repaired on the one side, Luther and Melancthon, on the other, Zuingle and Ecolampadius, together with several others, their friends respectively, and men of great note. It is unnecessary to detail the particulars of the conferences, which lasted several

* Com. de Luth. II. XL11I. 3—5. Also Ep. II. 382.
t Council of Trent, 46.

days. Suffice it to say, they ended rather according Cent.
to what might have been expected, than according > z^Z
to the Christian wishes of the good landgrave of
Hesse. It was not probable that either Zuingle or
Luther, in a public disputation on the nature of the
presence of Christ in the Sacrament, should retract
the sentiments which he had long defended, and
against which he would hear no argument advanced,
but what he had already repeatedly heard, well con-
sidered, and, in his own judgment, satisfactorily
answered. To this we may add the suggestions.of
Father Paul* on this very occasion, " That the con-
troversy having proceeded so far, it seemed as though
the honour of the leaders were in question; and
also, that In Verbal Contentions The Small-

NESS OF THE DIFFERENCE OFTEN NOURISHES
THE OBSTINACY OF THE PARTIES." It appears

that Luther, conscious of his own positive determi-
nation not to give way one hair's breadth on the
point of Consubstantiation, and also well aware of
the steady character of the Swiss Reformer, from the
first clearly foresaw the event of the debates at Mar-
purg, and was induced to go there, only or chiefly,
lest the adverse party should have to boast that they
were more disposed than himself to adopt measures
of peace and concord f. The narratives of the party-
historians concerning this business contain many
bitter things which are best passed over, especially
as the sincerity of the motives of the controver-
sialists cannot reasonably be doubted. We are
bound however to mark with the most entire dis-
approbation that unchristian stubbornness of temper
which manifested itself in Luther at the conclusion
of the conferences. The Sacramentarians, as they
were called, begged hard to be acknowledged as
brethren. They even went so far, as to own

* 1. 109. p. 46.

t Luth. ad Landgrav. IV. Jen. 466. m Hosp. 73. Vid. upp. Ep. Lulb. p. 67.

Chap, repeatedly, that the body of Christ was verily present *^XL , in the Lord's Supper, though in a spiritual manner; and Zuingle himself, in pressing for mutual fraternity, declared with tears*, that there were no men in the world with whom he more earnestly wished to agree, than with the Wittemberg divines. Even the landgrave personally exerted himself, with all his might, to produce a cordial friendship. But the spirit of Luther proved perfectly untractable and intolerant Nothing more could be gained from him, than that each side should show Christian charity to the other as far as they could conscientiously; and that both should diligently pray God to lead them into the truth. To go farther, Luther maintained, was impossible ; and expressed astonishment, that the Swiss divines could look upon himself as a Christian brother, when they did not believe his doctrine to be true f. In such circumstances, however, though there could be no such thing as fraternal union, the parties, he allowed, might preserve a friendly sort of peace and concord; might do good turns to each other, and abstain from harsh and acrimonious language %.

The papal advocates, either through ignorance or design, represent Luther's opposition to the Sacramentarians as founded in political reasons §. Little need is there, by the addition of imaginary accusations, to aggravate the blameable conduct of our Reformer in the discussions respecting Consubstantiation. His reputation for sincerity in every part of his belief, is as completely unsullied as his pertinacity in the support of this particular article is altogether indefensible: and it is scarcely necessary to add, that mere human policy must have determined him to pursue measures the reverse of those which he actually adopted. To have been rein

* Hosp. 82. b. Supp. Lnth. Ep. 103. I. Coelest. 54.
t Scult. XXIX. 203.

I Joan. Agric. Supp. Ep. 71. Com. de Luth. II. XLVII. 7.
$ I'allav. 3. I. 6.

forced by the whole body of the Zuinglian Protestants, would have proved at that time to the Lutherans a most important accession of strength, and was an event very much dreaded by the Romanists.

In regard to Zuingle and his associates, it is by no means clear, that their excessive desire to be on good terms with the Lutherans, did not carry them a little too far in the concessions which they made at the conferences of Marpurg. It is true, that soon after those conferences, both sides published their own accounts of what had passed, and boasted that they had gotten the better in the combat*. However, as certain articles had been drawn up, and actually signed by Luther, Melancthon, Jonas, &c. on one side, and by Zuingle, Ecolampadius, Bucer, &c. on the other, this authentic record is a very useful document to the curious inquirer, who wishes to determine how far in facteachparty strictly adhered to their real sentiments.

Melancthon's account is, thatZuingle readily gave up several things which he had advanced in his writings, particularly his notion of original sin; and that he came over to the Wittemberg divines in all points, the single article of the Lord's Supper excepted f.

Luther, on his return home from Marpurg, expresses himself much pleased with the moderation of theZuingliansand their disposition to concede. From what had passed, however, he judged, that besides the question on the Lord's Supper, there was not a perfect agreement in the article of Original Sin. In fact, the fourth article of the Marpurg concord, which treats of this doctrine J, is penned with some ambiguity ; and in such matters Luther's eye was infinitely more penetrating than Melancthon's §.

Bucer acknowledges, that as there was a definitive

* Du Pin, II. XXI.

t Melan. in Scult. 191. in Hosp. 80—82.

t Scult. 230. § Com. de Luth. II. XLVII. 7.

Chap, disagreement between the parties respecting the sa^xy^L , crament, himself, and his friends, from a desire of peace and harmony, had been induced to sign the other articles, though they were not expressed witi that precision with which they would have been, if the Helvetian theologians had drawn up their Owb creed *.

Lastly, a modern author, though strongly prejudiced on the side of the Sacramentarians, owns that the Marpurg articles of concord are conceived in such terms as neither Zuingle nor Ecolampadim had ever used before ; and that that circumstance leads to a belief, that Zuingle and Ecolampadius did not adhere to their former sentiments. He then proceeds to say, that " these divines, with the view oi uniting the Protestants, agreed to sign a formulary, which, according to their own way of interpreting the meaning of words, did not contradict their real sentiments, but which, however, in fact was entirely the creed of Luther. The motive was good, but

full of danger. Luther was more politic than he

appeared to be "t"-"

Without pretending to determine which side of the two was more politic, I may now safely leave it to the diligent student of Ecclesiastical history, to reflect on the evidence before him, and determine for himself, which was more Honest and Sincere.

6. Peculiar Opinions Of Zuingle.

IN this place it may not be improper to mention briefly some of the peculiar opinions of the great Swiss Reformer. Meianc- In less than a twelvemonth after the conferences account of at Marpurg, Melancthon, in the year 1530, then Con"⁸'⁰i P^reserjt ^at the memorable diet of Augsburg, wrote of Faith."' to Luther in substance as follows: " Zuingle has sent hither, in print, his confession of Faith. You * IIosp. 85. t Bcausobre IV.

would say neither more nor less, than that he is not Cent. in his senses. On original sin and the use of the v ^X^^L . sacraments, he clearly revives his old errors. On the nature of ceremonies he talks like a Swiss; that is, most barbarously. At one stroke he would abolish all ceremonies; and he would have no bishops : then he presses most vehemently to obtain his favourite article on the Lord's Supper*."

Let us now turn to that Confession itself of Zoingie's Zuingle, which called forth this harsh censure from count.⁰" the mild, pacific, candid Melancthonf.

1. On Original sin, he speaks to this effect: Sin is properly transgression of a law ; and " where there is no law there is no transgression." Our great ancestor sinned ; but Which Of Us meddled with the forbidden fruit ? There is then no denying that original sin, as it exists in us the descendants of Adam, is Not Properly Sin. Itis a disease; it is a condition. It may be called sin, but it is not so in strictness of speech. Thus a perfidious enemy when taken in war may Deserve to be made a slave. His children also become slaves, but the fault was in the father. The children are not to blame : yet they suffer for the sin of their father; and if you choose to denominate their state of slavery Sin, because by sin they were brought into that state, I shall not object. It is, however, in this sense that we are by nature the children of wrath.

2. The Sacra M EnTs, he affirms, do not confer grace, but are public testimonies given to the Church of the previous existence of grace.

3. He allows, that such Ceremonies as are not founded in superstition, nor are contrary to the word of God, may be tolerated, till the Day-star shall become more and more bright J; but that even these had better be abolished, provided it can be done without giving great offence.

• Sup. Ep. 61. 191—193. Ccelest. II. 288.
t Op. Zuing. II. 539. t 2 Pet.

Chap. 4. He grants there ought to be Ministersct . ^xy^1- j the word, to instruct the people, and to comfort and to alarm them, also to baptize, and to celebrate tk Lord's Supper ; but as to the whole tribe of mitrei bishops, he looks on them as born to consume tk fruits of the earth; and to be in the Church «' Christ, precisely what wens and swellings are is the human body.

5. Zuingle's ideas concerning princes and magistrates merit peculiar attention. They are to be obeyed, says he, when they discharge their offices with wisdom and justice. But should they abuse their authority, in that case, if the tyrant was legally appointed, the Christian must obey him till he has an opportunity of putting in practice St. Paul's rule, " If thou mayest be free, use it rather *." Tk opportunity however, should, I think, be clearly pointed out by God, and not by man; as clearly, for example, as when Saul was rejected to give place to David "j".

Not only in his Confession of Faith, but throughout the voluminous writings of Zuingle, we meet with many bold and novel thoughts. An instance or two, while they amuse the modest student of the Scriptures, may possibly suggest some useful reflections.

1. In a little tract on the doctrine of original sin, he produces a passage from an epistle of Seneca to Lucilius, in which the philosopher maintains, that we ought to live as if men could see our most secret thoughts ; for what use is there in hiding any thing from our fellow-creatures, when God is always in the midst of our meditations ? Zuingle on this occasion calls Seneca A Most Holy Man; and

* 1 Cor. vii. 31. The reader will probably think this to bt a strange use made of St. Paul's direction in this chapter.

t Query: Whether, according to these ideas, men may ixH sometimes conclude that Providence points out the proper opportunity for resistance, when their chief reason for thinking so is, that they believe themselves likely to succeed iu tk attempt?

hesitates not to conclude, that he was in possession Cent. of saving faith. . ^xy^u .

Now, though various doubts, hopes, and wishes, attended even with some anxieties and perturbations of mind may often have affected many persons in contemplating cases of this kind ; yet the wisest and best Christians have always, I think, judged it most safe to adhere to the written word, and obey the remarkable injunction, " What is that to thee? follow thou me."

In Zuingle's Exposition of his Faith, addressed to Francis I. the king of France, I find a much more extraordinary paragraph.

After expressing his belief in general, that all Foliar faithful souls, when they leave the body, will be ofSgle! joined to the Deity and enjoy him for ever: he addresses Francis as a most Pious King, assuring him, that if he governs his kingdom as David, Hezekiah and Josiah did, he may hope to see the Deity in perfection, and enjoy him for ever. Then he may hope also to see, and join the assembly of all holy, wise, faithful, brave, virtuous men that ever lived since the world began; and among these, the two Adams, the Redeemed, and the Redeemer, Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Isaiah, the Virgin Mary, David, John the Baptist, Peter and Paul;—Likewise, Hercules, Theseus, Socrates, Aristides, Antigonus, Numa, Camillus, the Catos, and the Scipios * ;— his own predecessors, and as many of his ancestors as have departed in the faith. Lastly, there will not have been a good man, or a faithful soul, from the beginning of the world to its end, whom, together with God himself, he will not see in Heaven. Is it possible, says Zu ingle, to imagine a spectacle more

* This is not the only place in which Zuingle speaks in this manner of some of the celebrated heathen characters. " Both the Catos," says he, " and Camillus, and Scipio, would never have been magnanimous, had they not been religious."—Epist. Zuing. and QEcol. 1.9.

Chap, delightful, or more honourable ? He then adds these ^XVI- , very memorable words—While in the mean time, the dreaming * Anabaptists may sleep in Hell, that sleep which they deserve, and from their sleep may never more awake f 1

The pen drops from one's hand in writing such a sentence as this. I shall therefore content myself with laying before the reader the original words: " Cum interim somniantes Catabaptistae merito somnum dormiant apud inferos, a quo nunquam expergefiant," and barely take notice, that most probably the latter part of the sentence ought to be translated so as to imply a wish, " that they may never more awake," which makes the sentiment still more exceptionable, and unchristian.

There is a remarkable passage in one of Zuingle's treatises on the Eucharist, which, as it helps to illustrate both the character and the sentiments of this illustrious Reformer, must not be omitted.

Dream* * ^ⁿ *^ne ^^{eSLT 1}5²5' ^wnen great question concerning the abolition of the Romish mass was agitated at Zurich in full senate, and in the presence of the Protestant divines, a certain clerk or scribe rose up, and opposed Zuingle with all his might The senate however were convinced by the arguments of Zuingle and his associates; and they decreed, that in future the Lord's Supper should be administered agreeably to Christ's own institution. In the morning of the following day, Zuingle had a dream, which he relates in these terms: " I tell the truth, and moreover, what I have to tell is so true, that my conscience compels me, against my will, to reveal what the Lord has bestowed upon me; for I am well aware to what jest and insults I shall hereby expose myself. I say then, that at break of day, in a dream, I appeared to myself to

* Zuingle here alludes to the opinion entertained by the Anabaptists of those days, viz. that departed souls sleep till the resurrection. See bis Sermon, II. 534. b.

t Op. II. 559. Also Moreri Supp. En. Zuingle.

have a tedious debate with my adversary The Cent, Scuibe; and at length to have become so com- ^XVI- _% pletely tongue-tied, as to have lost the power of saying what I knew to be true. This inahility seemed to distress me exceedingly, as delusive dreams in the night sometimes do;—for still, as far as I am concerned, I relate but a mere dream, although it is by no means a light matter which I have learnt by this dream,—thanks be to God, for whose glory alone I reveal these things. In this situation, suddenly an adviser seemed to be present with me,—whether he was white or black, I have no distinct recollection, for I am telling only ray dream;—who said, You stupid man, why do not you answer him from the twelfth of Exodus, as it is there written, ' It is the Lord's passover *.' Instantly upon this suggestion in my sleep, I awoke and leaped from my bed ; looked carefully at the passage in the Septuagint, and argued from it in my next sermon with all my power. The effect was, that all those who earnestly wished to understand their Bibles had no longer any doubts concerning the meaning of our Lord's words, ' This is my body,' in his institution of the Sacrament."

Zuingle then proceeds to compare the Jewish passover, as directed in the Old Testament, with the Lord's Supper, as commanded by Christ himself in the New. With great perspicuity he points out the analogy between the two expressions, " It is the Lord's passover," and " This is my body;" and powerfully contends, that as the former must necessarily be taken figuratively, the latter cannot possibly be construed otherwise f.

7. Zuingle And Lutheh Compared.

The two grand instruments of the Reformation Comparison

on the Continent, during the period which we are an^Lufilcr. * Exod. xii. 11.

t Subsid. Euch. II. 249. Also Melch. Adam, in Zuin. 20.

Chap, now reviewing, were undoubtedly Zuingle and Le. ^xy^r* , ther; and the pious student of their history has now before him, I conceive, sufficient materials, wherebj to judge for himself of their integrity, their talentand their Defects. On the authority of the learned translator of Mosheim, I had imagined for macv years that Zuingle, " instead of receiving instructionfrom Luther, was much his superior in learning, capacity, and judgment, and much fitter to be hi; Beamobre's master than his disciple *." Beausobre, I own, prejudices. _{tne wno mc}[_uce<i _me to suspect this representation ; not, however, by opposing the sentiment of Maclaine, but by supporting them with numerous instances of blind partiality towards Zuingle, and not a few of most uncandid and even abusive censure of Luther j\ To point out simply the prepossessions of historians who have so many opportunities of directing the sentiments of mankind, must be deemed a just and commendable precaution for the protection of truth ; but to aim at conjectures respecting the causes of their prepossessions may seem invidious and unnecessary. On historical questions, however, where pure religion is concerned, one may be allowed, perhaps, to make general observations of great practical consequence; such as,

* Dr. Maclaine, in Mosli. XVI. I. p. 26, the Notes.

+ Beaus. 1III. 138, and 190 to 194.—The learned reader, who is well versed in the writings of. the Sacramentarian controversialists, will perceive abundance of partiality in the pages here quoted. In particular, he will not approve of Luther being represented, p. 193, as saying, " The Switzers revoke All, but as for me, 1 revoke nothing," with reference to a note where this is an extract of merely three words from his letter, " Nos nihil revocavimus ;" when in fact, the context of the letter shows, that he directs his friend to the ftlarpurg articles themselves, where he might see how far the recantation had actually proceeded. Then in page 190, there is a still much more unjustifiable attack upon Luther, grounded upon a perverted interpretation of a certain passage in his letter, which passage, after all, is not found in the most authentic copies of that letter. —Vid. Hosp. II. 82. Supp. Ep. Luth. 103. Cosiest. 54.

1st, That men of Little or No Religion rarely, or never, judge fairly on such questions; and therefore, a believer is not to expect an equitable sentence from infidels, sceptics, or atheists : And 2dly, That persons who profess some sort of belief in the Gospel, and have yet very erroneous views of its doctrines, are usually possessed with strong prejudices against those who hold the faith in orthodox purity and simplicity. For till the human heart be effectually humbled by God's grace to receive the Gospel terms of reconciliation with thankfulness and submission of soul, it always harbours an unhappy opposition to the covenant of grace in Christ Jesus; that is, it remains ignorant of God's righteousness, and, like the Jews, going about to establish its own righteousness, it does not submit to the righteousness of God *. The effect of such erroneous views is, that these nominal Christians, not only oppose the Doctrin E to which they have not yet been brought to submit, but also thoroughly dislike, and are violently prejudiced against all those who receive, it and value it as the one thing needful. This is the true key for understanding rightly a thousand prepossessions, aversions, and misrepresentations which we meet with in authors, and which on any other ground are utterly unaccountable.

I need not dissemble that numerous passages in the writings of Beausobre, convince me that he is no very warm advocate for the great Protestant doctrine of justification by faith. In one place, for example, upon a strong declaration by Melancthon recorded in his own hand-writing f, respecting the importance of that Christian article of doctrine, which asserts the efficacy of the merits of Christ without human works, he ventures to suggest that the passage was Perhaps Luther's; and he afterwards adds, that one may hence learn how ObstiNately they were at that time attached to the • Rom. x. 3. t Seek. II. 43.

Vol. v. Mm

Chap, doctrine of justification by faith. I scarcely nm , ^XVI- observe, that those who hold this precious article of faith in the sense of which Luther held it, and a which the Church of England now holds it, never speak of it in this manner *,

From Melancthon's report of the conferences n Marpurg, I collect, that it was one of the first pubis: objections of Luther to Zuingle, that the Swia reformer and his adherents were not accustomed in their religious instructions, to say much: concerning the Scriptural method of justification ; whids. as Luther maintained, rendered it probable, tbu the peculiar and essential doctrine of the Gospe: was hardly known to them f- On the whole, 1 believe, all dispassionate judges will be disposed to allow that these researches fully warrant the following conclusions : Conclusion* ]. That the Sacramental controversy did no good preceding to Zuingle's temper, and much harm to Luther's, facts. 2. That hi the heat and haste of contention, ■Zuin

gle sometimes sank the efficacy both of Baptism and of the Lord's Supper below the true Scriptural standard, and represented them as mere tokens or badges of Christian society and connexion. Bucer, his own friend and advocate, whose testimony» therefore decisive, expressly allows this J. Let us however in one instance hear Zuingle himself "You have celebrated the Lord's Supper;—There fore you belong to the society of Christians."—" Tb« cup which we use in giving thanks, what is it else but a mark of our society and connexion §?" la other places lie represents the Lord's Supper, asio

* Beauifobre, IIF. 277. ; t Ad. Hen. Sax. in.Hosp. 81. b. AJso Scult. 200. ■ J Bucer's Epistle in Melch. Ad. 19. Also Lect. in Ep. Zuing. et CEcolamp.

§ Ep. Zuing. et'CEcoiamp. If. 7I;'b. - - - " Quid ille atind tsi, quatn nostra conjanctio et societas ? " Also 120. a& b. Likc«isc Ad Episcop. Const. Op. I. 225.

plying nothing but a mere " Commemoration* ; " which at best is a loose and ambiguous way of speaking f.

3. That Zuingle, in the article of original sin, probably was never completely orthodox J, and that in regard to the fundamental doctrine of justification by faith, though he seems always to have admitted it distinctly in theory, yet he by no means made that practical use of it which Luther and his disciples did. In effect, his time and thoughts were for years almost entirely taken up with the Sacramental controversy, and with disputes respecting baptism. On the contrary, Luther, though harassed with controversy beyond example, appears to have lived every hour of his life " by faith on the Son of God." The great doctrine of justification appears uppermost in all his voluminous writings : It was the support of his own soul in all his troubles ; and we find him constantly inculcating it from the press and from the pulpit, in all his conversations, and in his most private letters. This part of the religious character of Luther is not relished by many.—They suppose he carried his notions too far §.

4. That on the duties of Christian subjects, and also on questions relative to ecclesiastical polity^ there was a still greater difference between the Saxon and the Helvetian reformers.—Obey and suffer, was Luther's motto in general; whereas the obedience of Zuingle, we have seen, hung on a very slender thread.

5- That Dr. Maclaine justly ascribes to Zuingle an adventurous genius, and an uncommon degree of knowledge and penetration ||. And this is so true, that in my judgment, it was the Adventurous

• Op. II. 85. b. And Maclaine, II. 197, note, t See Dr. Ogden's Five excellent Discourses 011 the Lord's Supper, vol. II. <igi.

t Vid. Pallav. Cone. Trid. III. 1. 3 & 4.

§ Maclaine, in Mosh. p. 170. Also Beaus. ut supra.

|| In Mosh. p. 2(i.

Chap, genius of this great man, which led him to speak in ^xy^Ij , so peremptory a style of the holiness of the character of several celebrated heathens above mentioned. Luther's unbounded reverence for the written word, never allows him to use such liberties. " I Hope," says he, " God will be merciful to Cicero, and to such as he was : however, it is not our duty to speak certainly touching that point, but to remaio by the word revealed unto us; namely, who*? believeth and is baptized, the same shall be saved. Yet nevertheless, God is able to dispense and hold a difference among the nations and the heathen. But our duty is not to know nor to search after the time and measure *."

Here I cannot but take notice, that it was this excessive reverence for the very words of Scripture, —" This is my body,"—which betrayed Luther into the unfortunatedispute respecting Consubstantiation. Both on Con- and TrA N- substantiation a va>! quantity of inconclusive argumentation has been advanced on all sides. Often the contention has been merely verbal; oftener completely unintelligiblet; and after all'the confident attempts that have been made to represent either the one notion or the other as ridiculous, absurd, and impossible, I freely own that with me the decisive reason for rejectingthem is not that either Con- or Tran-substantiation can be demonstrated to imply a contradiction in terms, but that the Scriptural declarations respecting the Sacrament do not require an interpretation so altogether remote from common sense and experience. On Zuingle's relation of his dream, I am inclined

• Coll. Men. 509.

f Bucer, in a letter to a friend, owns that immediately after It had read Luther's Confession on Consubstantiation, published in 1528, he began to see that this Reformerdid not hold the unvrorthv notions of the person of Christ which he had supposed him todtL But the fact is, Luther's Confession is full of metaphysical obscurities, and is scarcely intelligible.—Vid. Scult. 154 & 171Hosp. II. 166. Com. de Luth. H. XLI. 3.

to rnake no comment whatever, except that I cannot but think he would have judged better, if he had kept the thing entirely to himself; or at least, not made it so public at the time. Certainly, in our days, to mention such a circumstance in the pulpit, would rather expose the dreamer to ridicule than procure attention to his discourse.—Zuingle, however, knew both his own situation and that of the people of Zurich, better than we can do : He deemed the suggestion to be a communication from God ; he was grateful for it: and no doubt he acted conscientiously in informing his congregation how he had obtained a new argument in favour of his view of the Sacrament

With respect to the important subject of religious toleration, there can be no question but Luther was abundantly more enlightened than Zuingle.

Both these champions of the Reformation passed much of their lives in the midst of active, tumultuous, perilous scenes ; and both of them met with great provocations from the Anabaptists. What room could there be for the private, tranquil exercises of religion ; or even, for the study and practice of pastoral care and instruction ? It happens, however, that the writings of Luther abound in these things. His devotion never flags. Ever aware of ihe wiles of Satan, and well skilled in the use of Christian armour, his dependence both for himself and his people is always and altogether on the grace of God; yet his vigilance in superintending the Saxon churches is as incessant as if their spiritual improvement depended on himself. The comparison in this point, grounded on documents in existence, is unquestionably very much to the advantage of the Saxon Reformer.

The blemishes of Luther have been freely acknowledged in the course of this volume. It was proper and even necessary to advert to those of Zuingle for obvious reasons, and among others, that

Chap, the reader may be the better enabled to appreciate _v ^xy- , duly the encomium of Dr. Maclaine, who scruple? not to assert that the Swiss Reformer was " perhap

BEYOND COMPARISON THE BRIGHTEST ORNA-
MENT OF THE PROTESTANT CAUSE *."

which of We must not dismiss this subject without brief; tbefim"⁸⁵ touching upon another point in the history of the Reformer? Reformation, on which writers have not agTeed is their representations. The Swiss historians, jealoui of the honour of their country, contend that Zuing-k as a Reformer of religion, has the precedence of Luther in point of time; and Dr. Maclaine seems oot of humour with Mosheim, for leading us to imagine that Luther saw the truth as soon as Zuingle did. He tells us, moreover, that Zuingle had conceived " noble and extensive ideas of a general Reformation, at the very time that Luther retained almost the whole system of Popery, indulgences excepted."

General observations of this kind are hard to be confuted: they insinuate a great deal; often leave abiding impressions; yet prove little or nothing. A distinct statement of facts is the best way to settle the point in dispute. Zonule's Zuingle affirms, that he began to preach the Gospel in the year 1516, and that Luther's name at that time was not so much as heard of in Swisserland: that he was settled at Zurich in 1519, and then informed the leading members of the Collegiate church, that in future he intended to preach from the Gospel of St. Matthew, without using any comments but that of Scripture itself; that even then, in 151 q, not one of the inhabitants had heard of Luther, except that he had published something on the subject of indulgences ; but that in regard to these, Zuingle wanted no information; he knew very well before that indulgences were nothing but mere pretence and delusion. He adds, that the Romish cardinal^ however they might hate him at that time, courted * In Mosh. II.

him with all their address, and even attempted to Cent. corrupt him with Italian gold. <_Jl^!l_

He then proceeds to praise Luther in 'the Strongest terms.—" As far as I can judge," says he, " Luther is a very brave soldier of Christ, who examines the Scriptures with a diligence which no person else has used for the last thousand years. I do not care if the Papists call me a heretic as they do .Luther: I say this; there has not existed any person since the commencement of the Romish pontificate, who has been so constant and immovable as Luther, in his attacks on the Pope. But to whom are we to look as the cause of all this new light and new doctrine? To God, or to Luther? Ask Luther himself: I know he will answer that the work is of God." : " Luther's interpretations of Scripture," con»tinues Zuingle, " are so well founded, that no creature can confute them : yet I do not take it well to be called by the Papists a Lutheran, because I learned the doctrine of Christ from the Scriptures and not from Luther. If Luther preaches Christ, so do I : and though—thanks to God—innumer^able people by his ministry, and more than by mine, are led to Christ, yet I do not choose to bear the name of any other than of Christ, who is my only captain, as I am his soldier. He will assign to me both my duties and my reward according to his good pleasure. I trust every one must now see Why I do not choose to be called a Lutheran; though nevertheless, in fact, no man living esteems Luther so much as I do. However, I have not on any occasion written a single line to him, nor he to me, directly or indirectly. And why have I thus abstained from all communication with him ? Certainly not from fear, but to prove how altogether consistent is the Spirit of God, which can teach two persons, living asunder at such a distance, to write on the doctrines of Christ, and to instruct the people

Chai*. in them, in a manner so perfectly harmonious will ^xy- , each other *."

If some circumstances before mentioned have had the effect of depressing the character of Zuin^ie these liberal and truly Christian sentiments wil restore him again to the reader's favour. And a< 1 know no reason whatever for suspecting that pride of precedence in point of time, or that any petty jealousy lurking in the mind of Zuingle, shouia induce him to speak in this manner, I am disposed to give this good man full credit for the sincerity of every part of his declaration. He had studied the Scriptures for himself, and through God's grace bad made a progress in Christian knowledge, fie fouDd that Luther had not only done the same, but was also undermining and pulling to pieces, at the hazard of his own life, the whole Papal edifice. Accordingly he loved him as a Christian, and admired hits as a hero.—But be it remembered, that the fatal controversy respecting the Sacrament had not yet begun! !

After all, this evidence only proves what nobodv denies,—that the Swiss divine, like several before his time, and like many of his contemporaries, had begun to study the Scriptures, and had already discovered various corruptions and abominations in the Papal system. But here the question is, what progress had he made towards a reformation in the Church, when Luther first astonished all Europe with the novelty of his system, the judgment which he displayed in explaining and defending it, and the courage with which he withstood the combined power of popes and princes. It has been said that Zuingle, even in 1516, used " to censure, Though With

GREAT PRUDENCE AND MODERATION, the

errors of a corrupt Church f." I would observe, that
if Luther had never done more than this, Europe

* Zuing. I. Art. xviii. 37—39.'
t Maclaine, in Mosh. II. 26.

might have been held at this moment in the chains Cent. of superstition and spiritual despotism. To sigh in . ^xy^L secret, to inculcate even some important truths in a mild and placid way, so as to give little offence, and to form in the imagination theoretical plans of reform, could never have availed to the emancipation of mankind. It is not that Zuingle was deficient either in understanding or intrepidity ;—but how impolitic, how altogether vain and hopeless must it have appeared to oppose the enormous power of the Roman See ! Again, it is not that Luther had preconceived, much less digested, any formal plan of resistance to the existing hierarchy: he constantly disclaims any such wisdom or foresight In effect, it was by a train of peculiar circumstances, that he was gradually led on to a success beyond his most sanguine expectations; and as his endowments were admirably suited to the work he had to execute, I know no reason why we should be backward to allow that he was a chosen vessel, an honoured instrument in the hands of Providence for the great purposes which he accomplished.

In the year 1527, Luther complained to his friend M. Stifel, that he had received a most insolent and abusive letter from Zuingle; and that even his adversaries the Papists were not so much disposed as his friends to harass and persecute him ; —friends, says he, who, before my contests with the Pope, were scarely known, and did not dare to open their mouths *. Without dwelling one moment longer on the disgusting effects of the Sacramental controversy, I will subjoin two or three circumstances, which exhibit to my mind, beyond all contradiction, The Sort Of Terms which Zuingle kept up with the Roman Catholics, at the very time when Luther was the object of their most malignant fury and vengeance. , .

* Ep. II. Aurif. 345. 6.... ne hiscere quidem audebant.

1. In the year 1520, Zuingle expresses himself concerning Luther in these very handsome terms *. " I have not much fear for Luther's life; I have none for the safety of his soul, even though he should be struck by this Jupiter with the thunderbolt of excommunication. Not that I despise excommunication ; but that I think unjust sentences of that kind do harm to the body rather than the soul. It is not my business to decide whether Luther has had fair play. However, you know my sentiments on that subject. I intend shortly to call on the Pope's legate, and if he should say any thing respecting that business, as he did a little time ago, I will persuade him to advise the Pope by no means to publish the excommunication. And I believe it will be for his interest to listen to this advice; for if he does not, I foresee the Germans will despise both the bull of excommunication, and the Pope that sends it."

2. But there exists a still more decisive testimony to prove how very far Zuingle must have been from any thing like a rupture with the Papists, even in the year 1523. The Pope Adrian having heard of the reputation of the Helvetian divine for piety and learning, condescended to transmit to him, by hit nuncio, a B R I E v E in his own hand-writing. He had received, he said, such particular accounts of his extraordinary virtue, as had increased his affection and esteem for a character so devoted to religion. He exhorts him to show a grateful zeal in promoting the interests of the Apostolic See, as he could assure him that it was his intention to place him in honourable and lucrative situations f.

Lastly, Pallavicini distinctly observes %, that not only in the diplomas of Adrian and Clement, which those pontiffs sent into Swisserland, but—what is more to the purpose—in the mandates which the

* Zuingle to his friend Myconius, Op. I. 412. b.

t Melch. Ad. in Zuing. 13, f Concil, Trid. 3. k 3.

Helvetian Catholics delivered to their own ambassadors upon the appointment of any embassy to Rome, the heresy of the country was called, in general, the Lutheran heresy. And the Italian historian gives two reasons for this; the first is, that though Zuingle and Luther differed in some points, yet that they agreed in the main. Secondly, that Thelutheras Heresy Existed BeFore That Of Zuingle, and became the more powerful in its partisans *.

This relation will assist the inquisitive student in clearing up some points in the memoirs of Luther and Zuingle, which have been much clouded by party zeal. The historian of the Church of Christ is desirous that his work should be distinguished by the selection, which it contains, of well authenticated facts: Of conjectures there is no end. Doubtless the Helvetian Reformer was a man of an acute understanding, and great Scriptural learning. His pastoral labours were a blessing to the congregations over which he presided f ; and his writings proved a permanent support to the Protestant cause. These things are certain. It is, however, equally certain, that though in 1518 he opposed the Papal abuse of indulgences %, and afterwards e posed several errors of the Romish church, he yet so managed his opposition, as to be courted even by the Pope himself, long after Luther had been in open rebellion against the existing hierarchy. How this truly great man would have acted, had he been called to the trying scenes in which Luther bore so conspicuous a part, must be mere conjecture.

* The Roman Catholic clergy in general, and especially the agents of the Papal See, have ever been so vigilant in observing the very beginnings of what they called heresies, that we may safely credit the historians of their communion, at least in their positive reports of the chronology of the several defections from the established church. For so far they were impartial judges; and they had certainly the best means of information.

t Arch. Zuin. 1.132. b. I See Vol. iv. Cbap. IV. Cent. XVI.

On the other hand, any judgment that we caa form of the manner in which the Saxon Reformer .would have conducted himself in the situation of Zuingle, must be mere conjecture also. Yet I cannot but suspect, that his reputation would have suffered by the change of circumstances. There was that in Martin Luther, which required great and magnificent objects, attended with difficulties, dangers, and perplexities, to call forth those exertions of wisdom, courage, and perseverance, for which he is so justly celebrated. I may add also, my entire conviction, that internal trials and distress of mind greatly improved his character; they made him a humbler Christian, and a more skilful adviser in spiritual things ; and if Zuingle had experienced a similar afflictive discipline, though perhaps he did not stand in need of that chastisement so much as Luther did—I suppose we should have heard abundantly more of his personal sufferings and lamentations on account of the deceitfulness of sin, the delusions of Satan, the workings of inward corruptions; and, above all, of those hidings of God's face, and that darkness of soul, which the most godly persons always represent as their grievous and intolerable calamity.